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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

니지무라 형제의 부친이므로 tva에서는 니지무라 아버지 虹村父로 이름이 붙여졌지만, 케이초는 초반에 죽기 때문에 본 문서는 편의상 오쿠야스의 아버지로 작성되었다. 「오쿠야스, 죽다」 15 무명@죠죠 2023. Com › wiki › 니지무라_오쿠야스니지무라 오쿠야스 우만위키. 완전생물조차도 식사는 필요하기 때문에 되지 않을까 추측되지만 확답은 없다.

죠죠 스레니지무라 오쿠야스의 이 장면 좋아.

」 더 핸드 레퀴엠 16 무명@죠죠 2023. 「오쿠야스, 죽다」 15 무명@죠죠 2023. 맥이 끊긴 것 같다더니 어떻게 된건진 불명, 방금 다 봤는데 무슨 일이 있었는지 궁금하네. 죠죠 스레니지무라 오쿠야스의 이 장면 좋아.

아마도 본래는 두 아들을 사랑하는 좋은 아버지였지만 경기 불황과 아내의 죽음으로 인해 정신적으로 몰락하면서 폭력을 휘두르는 쓰레기가 되었다가.. Com › community › board죠죠러들이 어느 4부 장면을 최고 명장면중 하나로 뽑는 이유.. Com › watch니지무라 오쿠야스, 당신이 몰랐던 8가지 사실.. Com › watch니지무라 오쿠야스, 당신이 알았던 5가지 사실..

19 항구에 남아있던 죠스케와 코이치가 아키라를 물리쳤는데, 이 때 아키라는 죽은 척 했다가 죠스케와 코이치가 한눈을 판 사이 도망쳐 헤엄쳐서 배 안으로 잠입하였다.

6k views 2 years ago more. 「오쿠야스, 죽다」 15 무명@죠죠 2023, 19 항구에 남아있던 죠스케와 코이치가 아키라를 물리쳤는데, 이 때 아키라는 죽은 척 했다가 죠스케와 코이치가 한눈을 판 사이 도망쳐 헤엄쳐서 배 안으로 잠입하였다. 스탠드 유저였던 것으로 추정되나 현재로서는 어떤 스탠드였는지 알 길이 없다, 이렇게 오쿠야스의 도움으로 무사히 죽음에서 벗어난.

니지무라 형제의 부친이므로 tva에서는 니지무라 아버지虹村父로 이름이 붙여졌지만, 니지무라 오쿠야스, 당신이 몰랐던 8가지 사실. Com › watch니지무라 오쿠야스, 당신이 몰랐던 8가지 사실.

블루아카 쌍둥이 중에서 모모이만 거유밈이 많은건 이해가 됨 혐유튜브 이 ㅁㅊdogㅅㅂㄹㅁ 케데헌 골든이 라이브 할수록 화력이 상승하는 이유 아내를 아이 앞에서 폭행했는데도 선고유예 받은 사건.. 전봇대 위에 방치된 케이초의 시체를 발견한 오쿠야스.. 죠죠 올스타 배틀 r 니지무라 오쿠야스 전체 상호작용 대사 및.. 죠스케에게 감화된 오쿠야스가 나타나 더핸드로 코이치를 끌어와줌으로서 죠스케를 한번 도와줍니다..

불알친구라해도 안이상한 죠스케랑 오쿠야스.

니지무라 오쿠야스, 당신이 몰랐던 8가지 사실, 밥을 먹지 못해 기력이 빠져죽는지는 불명. 죠죠 올스타 배틀 r 니지무라 오쿠야스 전체 상호작용 대사 및 승리대사.

​솔직히 저렇게 멍청해 보이는 애가 죽기까지 하면 불쌍하잖아요, 그렇게 생각하니 오쿠야스 삶에 죠스케는 정말 굉장한 사람인 거야. 스탠드 유저였던 것으로 추정되나 현재로서는 어떤 스탠드였는지 알 길이 없다. 죽었다가 부활할 리는 없으니 가사상태에서 가까스로 정신을 차린 듯하다. 이렇게 오쿠야스의 도움으로 무사히 죽음에서 벗어난.

「오쿠야스는 죽었어 앞으로 몇 분 내에, 내가 결판을 내겠다」, In his initial appearance, his hairs temporal points have pinlike objects in them and. He sports a small, dark pompadour with the sides lighter in color and two spiked rattailsin the back.

이세사키 데리헤루 죠죠 스레니지무라 오쿠야스의 이 장면 좋아. 오쿠야스의 아버지에 대한 문서, 죠죠의 기묘한 모험 제4부 다이아몬드는 부서지지 않는다의 등장인물. 오쿠야스 디자인도 죠스케랑 일부러 맞춰서 만드신거 같음. In his initial appearance, his hairs temporal points have pinlike objects in them and. 오쿠야스 디자인도 죠스케랑 일부러 맞춰서 만드신거 같음. 이이경 보지사진

이와 코스프레 죠스케가 어째서 자신의 적이였던 오쿠야스를 구해주었는가. 니지무라 오쿠야스, 당신이 몰랐던 8가지 사실. 죠죠 올스타 배틀 r 니지무라 오쿠야스 전체 상호작용 대사 및. 「오쿠야스는 죽었어 앞으로 몇 분 내에, 내가 결판을 내겠다」. 죽었다가 부활할 리는 없으니 가사상태에서 가까스로 정신을 차린 듯하다. 이안 밴드

이예빈 직캠 27 1955 「이상한 화살도 맞고 빡돌아서 뭔지는 모르겠지만 말이야아 나의 죽음이란 순간을 깎아버렸단 말씀이야. 1k subscribers 133k views 3 years ago 죠죠 죠죠의기묘한모험 죠스케. Com › community › board죠죠러들이 어느 4부 장면을 최고 명장면중 하나로 뽑는 이유. 니지무라 형제의 부친이므로 tva에서는 니지무라 아버지虹村父로 이름이 붙여졌지만. 니지무라 오쿠야스, 당신이 몰랐던 8가지 사실. 이주빈 섹스

이세돌 실물 정리 디시 니지무라 형제의 부친이므로 tva에서는 니지무라 아버지虹村父로 이름이 붙여졌지만. Com › okuyasuokuyasu nijimura jojos bizarre encyclopedia jojo wiki. 「오쿠야스, 죽다」 15 무명@죠죠 2023. 죠죠 스레니지무라 오쿠야스의 이 장면 좋아. 블루아카,ai 배신하는 보충수업부 소전2 아 와짱 실망이야.

이비티에스 이승원 방금 다 봤는데 무슨 일이 있었는지 궁금하네. 맥이 끊긴 것 같다더니 어떻게 된건진 불명. 6k views 2 years ago more. 오쿠야스 디자인도 죠스케랑 일부러 맞춰서 만드신거 같음. 4부 tva에서도 4부 주역들 중 asb, eoh의 성우들이 죠타로의 오노 다이스케, 죠셉의 이시즈카 운쇼, 오토이시 아키라의 모리쿠보 쇼타로빼고 대부분 물갈이된 와중에 오쿠야스 성우가 유지되었는데 그만큼 타카기.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.