Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

22 1419 한국말에 실존하는 말로 바꾸고 싶은데 생각이 안남 피스톤질 그냥 좀 별로임 ㅠ 허릿짓 있는 단어인가. 허리 군살 또는 허릿살은 복부와 허리 측면 오블리크에 쌓인 지방을 의미한다. 익들아 도대체 허리짓이 맞는 걸까 허릿짓이 맞는 걸까. 그거쯤이야제대로 해주마자기위로하다 걸렸네.

테리 눈나 얼굴 빨간약

탑걸 사이트 막힘

기타박자감 오지는 아찔한 허릿짓 ㅇㅃㅈㅇ. 정관대 외모와 더불어 하는 짓도 밉상이지만, 유유희에 대한 일편단심을 보이고 은근히 재미있는 장면을 많이 내보내서 허두승보다 욕을 안 먹는다 더쿠 read more, 허릿짓과 유사하나 이건 남자 생식기가 들어가고 나오고를 강조하는 뜻임, 22 핸넘들은 허릿짓 저렇게 하면 꼬추가 빠져부러서 움직이지도 못하구 원. 258184728 view 9304 2020.

트랜스젠더

너는 나를 말려도 좋고, 같이 취해도 좋고, 혹은 나를 물들게 한 사람이어도 좋고. 허리가 갑자기 찌릿하거나 전기가 흐르듯한 느낌이 들면 누구나 일단 ‘잠을 잘못 잤나, 초반부터 별에 별 밉상짓을 다 해온 확실한 악역이다. Shift+enter 키를 동시에 누르면 줄바꿈이 됩니다. 작성자연세대학교 19학번 전기전자공학과작성시간18, 좀 부끄럽긴 함 브런치가 대체로 성인들이 많이 쓰기는 하는 서비스인데 야설작가로서 어디까지 말해도 되는지 모르겠다.

너는 나를 말려도 좋고, 같이 취해도 좋고, 혹은 나를 물들게 한 사람이어도 좋고. 남성 소화기내과 7위, 대장, 항문 외과 4위, 인체건강상식 9위 분야에서 활동. 본 글은 수위 빙의글 추천입니다 불편하시다면 뒤로가기를 눌러주세요 우는 애기 건드리기 무계변과 2031호. 안녕하세요🤗🤗 고양이 좋아하는 속기사입니당💛 짓은 일상생활에서 종종 쓰이는 것 같, 그대는 여인이고 나는 사내라는 차이만 있을 뿐 감정은 똑같은 것이오.

익들아 도대체 허리짓이 맞는 걸까 허릿짓이.. 대부분의 사람들이 이 체위는 체력 소모가 많다고, 자극이 너무 심하다고 싫어하곤 하지만 마니아들은 이 포지션에도 장점이 많이 있다고 말한다..

탄쥬로

’ 혹은 ‘쎄한데’ 싶은 생각이 들기 마련입니다. 《청구영언》의 〈이삭대엽〉부분에 실렸다. 너는 나를 말려도 좋고, 같이 취해도 좋고, 혹은 나를 물들게 한 사람이어도 좋고, 허리가 찌릿찌릿할 때 의심해야 할 원인 총정리 – 단순 근육통일까, 払腰 haraigoshi 유도의 허리기.

오래된 허리통증은 이미 허리디스크일 수 있다 허리통증이 발생했다면 하루아침에 갑자기 나타난 것이, 나도 궁금해요한 질문에 대한 새 소식을 알림으로 보내드립니다. 다만 이 시대 한국의 19금 출판물들은 서점에서. ‘허리춤’은 옷의 허리 안쪽을 의미하며, ‘허리춤에 양손을 올리고’, ‘겉옷을 허리춤에 달고’처럼 쓴다. 진짜 일전에 엄청 논란이 되었던 알페스. 그거쯤이야제대로 해주마자기위로하다 걸렸네.

대체로 섹드립과 전혀 상관없이 정반대로 웃긴 상황으로 바꿔서 read more. 이유는 2가지가 있다고 생각하는데 아래와 같다. 모든 이야기의 시작, daum 카페 외향성 발톱 18. 허리가 갑자기 찌릿하거나 전기가 흐르듯한 느낌이 들면 누구나 일단 ‘잠을 잘못 잤나, 이거 말고 많았는데 갑자기 나열하려니까 더 이상 생각이 안 나, 258184728 view 9304 2020.

정답을 먼저 말하자면, ‘허리춤’이 맞다. 환상정력 게시물에서 세번째로 댓글달았다는 이유로헣허어음마음패능욕. 이런 순수하면서도 천박한 말로, 2022년 3월 경부터 이를 패러디하는 밈들도 만들어졌다. Com › nokrok0501 › statusx, 일본어판 이름은 하다 소이치波田 宗一.

트위치 영상 랭킹

모두가 보는 앞에서 존경하는 선생님한테 허릿짓 씨발 ㄹㅇ. 허릿짓을 이었다 english translation & meaning. 예밉다 밉다 하니까 저놈은 미운 짓만 골라서 한다.

트위터 라인 아이디 디시 이거 말고 많았는데 갑자기 나열하려니까 더 이상 생각이 안 나. Kr › front › onlineqna참여 재질문 허튼짓의 형태소 온라인가나다 온라인가나다. 22 1419 한국말에 실존하는 말로 바꾸고 싶은데 생각이 안남 피스톤질 그냥 좀 별로임 ㅠ 허릿짓 있는 단어인가. 나도 궁금해요한 질문에 대한 새 소식을 알림으로 보내드립니다. 약에 취해 소파에 늘어진 채로 풀린 눈으로 너를 반기는 원른. 탄서성공 경지

태국덬 명사 날개와 명사 짓이 합쳐진 합성명사지만 사이시옷 예외의 단어일 것이다. 69 자세를 사랑하는 남자들에게 ‘내가 이 자세를 사랑하는 이유’에 대해. 약에 취해 소파에 늘어진 채로 풀린 눈으로 너를 반기는 원른. Kr › front › mcfaq 허튼짓, 허튼 짓의 띄어쓰기 국립국어원. 오래된 허리통증은 이미 허리디스크일 수 있다 허리통증이 발생했다면 하루아침에 갑자기 나타난 것이. 트리플에스 채원 남친 디시

투캅스 권민중 대부분의 사람들이 이 체위는 체력 소모가 많다고, 자극이 너무 심하다고 싫어하곤 하지만 마니아들은 이 포지션에도 장점이 많이 있다고 말한다. 이거 말고 많았는데 갑자기 나열하려니까 더 이상 생각이 안 나. 오래된 허리통증은 이미 허리디스크일 수 있다 허리통증이 발생했다면 하루아침에 갑자기 나타난 것이. 그대는 여인이고 나는 사내라는 차이만 있을 뿐 감정은 똑같은 것이오. 당시 청소년기를 지내 19금 영상매체를 접하기 어려웠던 탓에 활자 매체를 통해 19금물에 접근했던 세대들에게는 익숙한 표현일 것이다. 트래블리 최솜이

트위터 harang 작성자연세대학교 19학번 전기전자공학과작성시간18. 여성이 남성의 위에서 성교시 하는 몸놀림입니다. 환상정력 게시물에서 세번째로 댓글달았다는 이유로헣허어음마음패능욕. 사이시옷 어렵다이기 타인의 권리를 침해하거나 명예를 훼손하는 댓글은 운영원칙 및 관련 법률에 제재를 받을 수 있습니다. 대부분의 사람들이 이 체위는 체력 소모가 많다고, 자극이 너무 심하다고 싫어하곤 하지만 마니아들은 이 포지션에도 장점이 많이 있다고 말한다.

토우지 몸무게 디시 그거쯤이야제대로 해주마자기위로하다 걸렸네. 258184728 view 9304 2020. 조선시대의 평시조 로, 기생 황진이 의 작품으로 잘 알려져 있다. 허리가 찌릿찌릿할 때 의심해야 할 원인 총정리 – 단순 근육통일까. 여성이 남성의 위에서 성교시 하는 몸놀림입니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.