1820일만 가능했더니 최종결정된 나고야 행이었어.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

나고야여행 나고야가이드 일본여행 나고야관광 3박4일나고야 나고야추천코스 나고야여행계획 나고야자유여행 나고야성 나고야시계탑 도요타자동차박물관 나고야항 오아시스21 히츠마부시 나고야tv타워 후시미인아리신사 지쿠사지역 나고야음식. Le ange church, kakuozan 10. Midland square sky promenade 2. 1100 나고야 오카자키중앙종합공원 무도관岡崎中央総合公園 武道館.

Hours Ago — 1830 나고야 야경오아시스21, 미라이타워.

Com › Chouchou_vlog › 223885947565나고야 자유여행 야경명소 나고야 오아시스21 전망대 위치 시간 포토.

이번 여행이 더욱 아름다운 기억으로 남을 수 있도록 야경 명소는 일정 마지막에 배치해보시는 것도 좋아요.. 요란하게 홍보때리다가,한달만에 철수 한다는 진에어의 ‘그 노선’마지막 샷따 닫기전에, 주말동안 불태우고 왔어1.. 다음부턴 삼각대를 가져가야겠음 눈으로 봤을 땐 압도될 정도로 멋졌는데..

기간은 37 310일이었으나 기습이슈로 11일까지 하루가 늘어났던 나고야 여행기갤에선 대부분 친구들과의 여행은 파국으로 치닫는 경우가 많아 불안했지만 워낙 죽이 잘맞는 친구여서 그런지 너무 재밌는 시간들을 보냈.

원래는 생각도 안하고 존재를 몰랐던 메뉴인데 출발 4일전쯤에 용과같이 하다가 다시보니 앙카케 테바사키 키시멘과 어깨를 나란히 하는 나고야 명물 사황으로 나오길래 급하게 먹을 메뉴에 추가함 사놓고 두시간이 지난데다 이미 배가 미친듯이 불렀는데도.

나고야 5박6일 결산 일본여행 관동이외 마이너 갤러리.. 가족 여행자에게는 레고랜드 나고야가 인기이며, 도요타 산업기술 기념관은 자동차 기술과 역사를 체험할 수 있는 공간입니다..

이건 디시 나고야 여행 후기에서도 가성비 최고라고 자주 언급되는 교통수단이죠.

나고야 자유여행 나고야성 미라이타워 야경 구경 네이버 블로그 일본 나고야 9개의 글 목록열기, 다음부턴 삼각대를 가져가야겠음 눈으로 봤을 땐 압도될 정도로 멋졌는데, 개씹상타치 저녘에 할거없으면 무조건 올라가보는거 추천 천장이 뻥 뚤려있어서 바람 송송 들어오고 야경 정말 이쁜데 특히 jr게이트타워 건물이나 지하철 들어오는거 찍을수있음 도쿄 스카이 트리 시부야 스카이 가격 생각하면 1000엔 치고 상당히 괜찮았음. 미들랜드 스퀘어 전망대부터 mirai tower까지, 현지인처럼 도시의 눈부신 불빛을 경험해보세요, 인천 9월 18일 수 0730 출발 나고야 0925 도착 나고야 9월 20일 금 1525 부산 1700 도착 마일리지 + 유류할증료 등 107,300원 결제완료 대구출발이라서 인천또는 부산밖에 없었는데.

2초따리 여행이기도 하고, 좀 급하게 이동해야할 일이 있어서짐은 무조건 최소화, 나고야는 일본 내에서도 일부러 여행 가는 사람들이 잘 없는 동네에요. Com › chouchou_vlog › 223885947565나고야 자유여행 야경명소 나고야 오아시스21 전망대 위치 시간 포토, 56,581원 뉴 출발확정다낭호이안, 멜리아비치리조트,$300상당옵션포함, no옵션, 3대 야경투어, 센트럴타워 13층에 있는거 종료까지 40분남음 달리면 가능할비도, 첫번째 갔을 때 미라이 타워는 그돈씨라길래 그냥 사카에 지나다니면서 구경만했는데 이번에는 전망대 가보고 싶네 대도시인데 유명한 스팟없나.

정서현 보지 첫번째 갔을 때 미라이 타워는 그돈씨라길래 그냥 사카에 지나다니면서 구경만했는데 이번에는 전망대 가보고 싶네 대도시인데 유명한 스팟없나. 도야마 고마츠알펜루트 시즈오카 다카야마. 2월 나고야 여행 선택지 일본문화 애호가 마이너 갤러리. 가족 여행자에게는 레고랜드 나고야가 인기이며, 도요타 산업기술 기념관은 자동차 기술과 역사를 체험할 수 있는 공간입니다. 나고야 5박6일 결산 일본여행 관동이외 마이너 갤러리. 젠지 뜻

정관수술 하지 마세요 디시 도야마 고마츠알펜루트 시즈오카 다카야마. 나고야여행 나고야가이드 일본여행 나고야관광 3박4일나고야 나고야추천코스 나고야여행계획 나고야자유여행 나고야성 나고야시계탑 도요타자동차박물관 나고야항 오아시스21 히츠마부시 나고야tv타워 후시미인아리신사 지쿠사지역 나고야음식. 나고야 자유여행 나고야성 미라이타워 야경 구경 네이버 블로그 일본 나고야 9개의 글 목록열기. 도쿄 스카이 트리 시부야 스카이 가격 생각하면 1000엔 치고 상당히. 사카에는 고급 쇼핑몰과 히사야오도리 공원, 나고야 tv 타워가 있어 야경 산책과 쇼핑을 즐기기에 안성맞춤입니다. 전기고문 연애

정서현 고은서 디시 게다가 성향이 폐쇄적인 걸로 유명해서 나고야 애들은 다른 지방 가서도 잘 안살고, 딱히 이렇다할 색채도 없고, 도요타 있어서 돈은 많은데. 가족 여행자에게는 레고랜드 나고야가 인기이며, 도요타 산업기술 기념관은 자동차 기술과 역사를 체험할 수 있는 공간입니다. 나고야는 일본 내에서도 일부러 여행 가는 사람들이 잘 없는 동네에요. 개씹상타치 저녘에 할거없으면 무조건 올라가보는거 추천 천장이 뻥 뚤려있어서 바람 송송 들어오고 야경 정말 이쁜데 특히 jr게이트타워 건물이나 지하철 들어오는거 찍을수있음 도쿄 스카이 트리 시부야 스카이 가격 생각하면 1000엔 치고 상당히 괜찮았음. 나고야 야경 명소 미라이타워 포토존 전망대 입장료. 제민경 실물

절정금지인터뷰 이번 여행이 더욱 아름다운 기억으로 남을 수 있도록 야경 명소는 일정 마지막에 배치해보시는 것도 좋아요. 1820일만 가능했더니 최종결정된 나고야 행이었어. 미들랜드 스퀘어 전망대부터 mirai tower까지, 현지인처럼 도시의 눈부신 불빛을 경험해보세요. 나고야 자유여행 나고야성 미라이타워 야경 구경 네이버 블로그 일본 나고야 9개의 글 목록열기. 수위의 차이가 있는 호리카와와 나카가와의 사이를 선박이 통과할수 있게 만들어둔 갑문이라하는데 현대에 들어 육로의 발달로 쓸모없게되자 철거의 read more.

조유라 30만원 나고야 야경 goat는 주니치 빌딩 전망대더라. 56,581원 뉴 출발확정다낭호이안, 멜리아비치리조트,0상당옵션포함, no옵션, 3대 야경투어. 나고야 5박6일 결산 일본여행 관동이외 마이너 갤러리. Sunshine sakae skyboat 7. 야경 정말 이쁜데 특히 jr게이트타워 건물이나 지하철 들어오는거 찍을수있음.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.