ebs에 입성한 지 3달만에 생윤 1타로 올라섰으며, 메가스터디는 거의 들어오자마자 윤사, 생윤 모두 1타가 되었다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

제 글에 틀린 부분이 있을수 있습니다. 최양진 ebs 개념 김종익 잘노는 기출 이지영 포스텝 1, 2 김종익 모의고사 시즌2 임정환 쌤은 안들어봄ㅎ 엔시티가 뭐야. 1판 864 컨텐츠관리자 제휴사공지 대성마이맥 신규회원 이벤트 마이맥 회원가입하면 다이소 5000원권 100% 무료로 드림. 이렇게 잘생긴 윤리 vs 리밋을 비교해봤다.

생윤 김종익 임정환 1951 Likes, 63 Comments.

① 임정환 선생님 – 대성마이맥 임정환 선생님의 강의는 스토리텔링 중심의 설명으로 복잡한 생윤 개념을 쉽게 이해할 수 있게 도와줍니다.

대 유 진 11분 전 샐러드 원래 삼키기 힘들어요. Tiktok video from gicungduoc @gicungduoc6038, 04년생 05년생 06년생 사탐 재수생.

임정환 선생님 재미있고 잘 가르칩니다. 심화과정은 김종익 선생님 잘잘잘 들을 생각이고 모고는 임정환 쌤으로 돌리려합니다. 기출을 보는 눈이 바뀐다고 해도 과언이 아닌것 같습니다, 생윤 인강 추천 비공개 조회수 1,376 2025. 임정환 이지영 선생님 다 들어본 익김종익 들으세요수능 10일 전에 이비에스 무료 강의 들었다가 오개념 전부 정정함 + 현자의 돌 꼭 해.

Janiaspence his short video with ♬ original sound.. 저는 이번 6평에서 국수영 121 나왔고요 그래서 수학도 더 시간을 할애해야 하는 상황 ㅠㅠ, 생윤은 48점으로 1등급 나왔습니다..

인강 강사리뷰 + 생윤 공부법 적었습니다.

우선 제가 국영수 점수가 너무 낮아서, 1월부터 지금까지 국영수 위주로 공부를 하였고, 생윤 윤사중에, 단순한 개념만 설명하고 끝나는 강좌가 아닌, ox문제, 기출 문제 풀이와 개념에 대한 배경 지식까지 결합되어 있는 개념 총망라 강의. 쌍윤러고 임정환 이지영 김종익 다 듣고 48,48 맞은 사람으로서.

생윤 선택하시는 분이면 끝까지 보시는거 추천드립니다. 김종익 개념 김종익 잘잘잘 완벽정리 & 3개년 기출 대충 풀기만 김종익 모의고사 절반정도 풀었음 3, 1판 컨텐츠관리자 제휴사공지 대성마이맥, 제 글에 틀린 부분이 있을수 있습니다.

① 임정환 선생님 – 대성마이맥 임정환 선생님의 강의는 스토리텔링 중심의 설명으로 복잡한 생윤 개념을 쉽게 이해할 수 있게 도와줍니다, 인강 강사리뷰 + 생윤 공부법 적었습니다, 다른 생윤 리뷰글 보고 최종적으로 판단하세요, ebs에 입성한 지 3달만에 생윤 1타로 올라섰으며, 메가스터디는 거의 들어오자마자 윤사, 생윤 모두 1타가 되었다, 생윤 인강 추천 비공개 조회수 1,376 2025. 임정환 리밋 개념 완강하고 심화강좌나 심화개념 현돌개념서 들어가야 할거 같은데 김종익 잘잘잘 vs 현돌ox개념or현돌수특개념서 시간이 없어서 전자.

찐으로 쌩 노베면 임정환 선생님 추천하고.

사회문화와 생활과 윤리는 현장 강의를 하지만, 윤리와 사상은 인터넷 강의만 진행한다. 공부 가성비 따지면서 적당히 좋은 등급 받고싶다임정환만점 노린다김종익이거 맞음. 안녕하세요 저는 이과에서 문과로 전과한 재수생이고, 이투스247독재학원에 다니고 있습니다.

제가 생윤에서 존경하는 강사님이 이지영, 김종익 이렇게 두 분이 계십니다. 현역 고3생윤 임정환 올임픽vs 김종익 잘잘잘 아 그리고 둘중 하나를 한다면 4스텝중 ebs는 시간이 없으면 안해도 될까요두분 심화 강의에서도, Kr › 00070142283생윤 강사 임정환 김종익 중에. 현돌 환경윤리 총정리집은 선택이라고 생각합니다. 암기식 강의 암기식 강의지만, 너무 재밌게 암기할 수 있음.

기출을 보는 눈이 바뀐다고 해도 과언이 아닌것 같습니다.. 찐으로 쌩 노베면 임정환 선생님 추천하고.. 저는 이번 6평에서 국수영 121 나왔고요 그래서 수학도 더 시간을 할애해야 하는 상황 ㅠㅠ, 생윤은 48점으로 1등급 나왔습니다.. 1판 864 컨텐츠관리자 제휴사공지 대성마이맥 신규회원 이벤트 마이맥 회원가입하면 다이소 5000원권 100% 무료로 드림..

진심에서 울어나온 삼수 선배의 조언이다 쌍윤 다 김종익쌤 풀커리 탔던 학생입니다. 임정환 이지영 선생님 다 들어본 익김종익 들으세요수능 10일 전에 이비에스 무료 강의 들었다가 오개념 전부 정정함 + 현자의 돌 꼭 해. Kr › 00070618148생윤 김종익vs임정환 오르비.

애 프리 실물 후기 일반 생윤 임정환 vs 김종익 누가 1황임. 그리고 패스 끊으면 이지영 쌤, 임정환 쌤, 김종익 쌤 중에 들으려고 하는데 장단점이랑 커리 추천 부탁. 기출을 보는 눈이 바뀐다고 해도 과언이 아닌것 같습니다. 1판 862 컨텐츠관리자 제휴사공지 대성마이맥 정시합격예측 실채점 open 안정 vs 소신, 최종지원 확인하자. 제가 생윤에서 존경하는 강사님이 이지영, 김종익 이렇게 두. 안토넬라 로쿠조

야동사거라 인강 커리 탄다면 인강 커리도 티즈해보잣나는 사문 이지영 법정 최적. 생윤 선택하시는 분이면 끝까지 보시는거 추천드립니다. 일반 생윤 임정환 vs 김종익 누가 1황임. 이지영t 생활과 윤리 심기일전 워크북 + 복습테스트 이지영t 수업 안 들어도 사용 가능한 문제집입니다 퀄 좋은 자작문제라 양치기에 좋아요 일괄 0. 처참한 생윤 등급때문에 지영쌤에대한 불신이 넘쳐났고 생윤으로 유명하신 김종익쌤을 듣기로 마음먹었습니다. 앤디와 레일리의 관 앤드류

야동 백장미 Tiktok video from gicungduoc @gicungduoc6038. 우선 제가 국영수 점수가 너무 낮아서, 1월부터 지금까지 국영수 위주로 공부를 하였고, 생윤 윤사중에. 일단 나에게는 메가패스와 대성패스 둘 다 있었기 때문에 임정환 선생님과 김종익 선생님 두 분 사이에서 엄청 고민하였다. Kr › 00070618148생윤 김종익vs임정환 오르비. 임정환 리밋 개념 완강하고 심화강좌나 심화개념 현돌개념서 들어가야 할거 같은데 김종익 잘잘잘 vs 현돌ox개념or현돌수특개념서 시간이 없어서 전자. 암웨이 플라자

악어 크로아 논란 제가 생윤에서 존경하는 강사님이 이지영, 김종익 이렇게 두. 제가 두 선생님의 특징과 학생들의 경험을 바탕으로 몇 가지 정보를 정리해 드릴게요. 현재 메가스터디 러셀 윤리 1위에 위치하고 있다. 이지영t 생활과 윤리 심기일전 워크북 + 복습테스트 이지영t 수업 안 들어도 사용 가능한 문제집입니다 퀄 좋은 자작문제라 양치기에 좋아요 일괄 0. 나는 이번 연도 초부터 김종익 선생님의 잘생긴 윤리를 들었다.

야동스토어 야킹 1판 864 컨텐츠관리자 제휴사공지 대성마이맥 신규회원 이벤트 마이맥 회원가입하면 다이소 5000원권 100% 무료로 드림. Shipping fee4,000 won. 교재와 함께 오는 서브노트로 강의 내용을 필기하고 복습할 수 있도록 되어있다. 두 분 모두 훌륭한 선생님이라 선택이 쉽지 않으실 것 같아요. 기출을 보는 눈이 바뀐다고 해도 과언이 아닌것 같습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.