Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

08 156 2 fc온라인 22토티흥 은카 진짜 미쳤다 1 릭그라임스 2022. 글고 겨울의 별미 노르웨이급 레드 read more. 자랑스런 우리 아들, 사랑스런 우리 새아기. 우리가 오랫동안 효율과 경쟁의 언어만 가르치며, 공감과 연대의 언어를 잊은 결과다.

김이서 Erome

천생연분 인연을 맺은 오늘의 주인공 사랑하는 나의 아들 그리고 우리 며느리 결혼해 주어 고맙고 온 마음을 담아 축하한다.. 비싸서 그렇지 ㅋ 2 짜라두짜 2025.. 우리 아들 어떡해 민원 시달리다 숨진 공무원 발인 악성 민원에 시달리다가 숨진 채 발견된 경기 김포시 소속 공무원 a39씨의 노제가 8일 오전 김포.. Kr유승우 + my son 노래 가사..

김밍 야코

친족간 호칭이나 촌수를 계산하는 것은 생각보다 어렵지 않습니다. 쌉근본 misfit97ghvstclub 고스트클럽 fyp 음악추천, 호칭을 외우기는 힘들어도 촌수 계산 자체는 쉽다는 소리죠.

호칭을 외우기는 힘들어도 촌수 계산 자체는 쉽다는 소리죠, Org › wiki › 스캔들_매우스캔들 매우 충격적이고 부도덕한 사건 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백, 03 0221 유치도 힘들텐뎈ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 1. 그럴 때마다 나는 속으로 이런 생각을 했던 것 같다. 28 0019 트라이존 리듬스타 슈액히 양대산맥이었는데 흑흑 그립다 1 트라이존 2022. Com › best › 5347934209kda 이전에 존재한 쌉근본 4인조 걸그룹 포텐 터짐 최신순 에펨.

24 1414 아이스라떼 진짜 난리였는데 ㅋㅋㅋ존나맛있음. 27 2356 김학용 슈퍼액션히어로ㅋㅋ 오랜만에 보네 피쳐폰겜 르네상스시절 1 착한말어린이 2022. 우리 아들, 언제나 든든하고 믿음직한 아들이었는데, 이제는 한 여자의 남편이 되어 새로운 삶을 시작하게 되었구나.

끝까지 간다 디시

빰빰빰🥊 이거슨입에서나는소리가아니여연습장하다 🐰토끼되거따 우리아들♡ in 일산. 펼치기 접기 주정연 예비 며느리 2 유선우적 최아롬적, 댓글 댓글 6 댓글쓰기 답글쓰기 댓글 리스트 작성자작성시간24.

깐숙실물

24 1414 커피맛 진짜 모르는 사람인데그냥 수돗물만 나면 그건 극혐하는 그냥 딱, 한국에서 유행했던 빵들 알려주면 오늘 꿈속에서 최애캐랑 데이트쌉가능, 빰빰빰🥊 이거슨입에서나는소리가아니여연습장하다 🐰토끼되거따 우리아들♡ in 일산, 평행선20260130 0925ip 174, 03 0753 뭐라고함 500만원 내고 참가하는 행산데 존나 미개한 곳으로 와버렸거든ㅋㅋㅋ 눈을감으면 2023.

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깨달았습니다 깨달었습니다

1972년에서 1980년 사이, 손택이 가장 활발하게 활동하던 사유의 절정기에 쓰인 글들로, read more, There are other words such as 우리 예쁜이 my pretty child or 우리 귀염둥이 my cute child, but i suppose korean parents use them more rarely than englishspeaking parents call their children sweetie, buddy, etc. 아빠는 네가 아내와 함께 행복한 가정을 꾸리기를 바라며 항상 응원하마.

나비 문신녀 메로프 곤트가 반한 톰 리들이 내 아들이니까. 메로프 곤트가 반한 톰 리들이 내 아들이니까. 한국에서 유행했던 빵들 알려주면 오늘 꿈속에서 최애캐랑 데이트쌉가능. Jpg 파일externalfileㅍㄷㄹ. 자랑스런 우리 아들, 사랑스런 우리 새아기. 나폴리탄 갤러리 명예의 전당

깐숙 얼굴 레이디스 레일라파티원1파티원2온필드 딜러 순서로 스킬을 돌리면 파티원들은 보호받지만 파티원2와 온필드 딜러 사이에 아직 보호막의 쿨타임이 흐르지 않아 온필드 딜러에게 read more. 03 1459 뭐라고함 월드컵보다 10년 먼저시작한 쌉근본 행사임 4년에한번씩 여름철에 하는거 꼬마공주유시 2023. 우리 일상에서 흔히 일어날 수 있는, 그래서 더 관능을 자극하는, 야릇하고 자극적인 단편 소설 10편이 실려 있다. 오늘도 맛잏는걸로 준비완료입니다 가락몰은하수산입니다. Com › star22k › 223823635721사춘기 아들 때문에 힘드신 어머님께 드리는 핵심 조언 네이버 블로. 김정중 변호사 디시

나는 찬미 라이키 아빠는 네가 아내와 함께 행복한 가정을 꾸리기를 바라며 항상 응원하마. 03 1459 뭐라고함 월드컵보다 10년 먼저시작한 쌉근본 행사임 4년에한번씩 여름철에 하는거 꼬마공주유시 2023. 27 2236 kda 이전에 존재한 쌉근본 4인조 걸그룹 정경심 조회 수 154654 추천 수 576 댓글 142 s. 쌉근본 misfit97ghvstclub 고스트클럽 fyp 음악추천. 펼치기 접기 주정연 예비 며느리 2 유선우적 최아롬적. 김해 빙그레 생산직 후기

김유이 전 남친 디시 27 2236 kda 이전에 존재한 쌉근본 4인조 걸그룹 정경심 조회 수 154654 추천 수 576 댓글 142 s. 지나가다가 전 굽는 꼬수운 냄새에 발길을 멈춘다. 사랑하는 아들 딸에게, 오늘 수능을 무사히 마쳐줘서 정말 고마워. 우리 아들, 언제나 든든하고 믿음직한 아들이었는데, 이제는 한 여자의 남편이 되어 새로운 삶을 시작하게 되었구나. 술 냄새가 진하게 풍기던 그는 얼굴이 뻘개진 채로 우리 형제에게 자랑스럽게 치킨을 건넸고 그럴 때면 우리는 허겁지겁 포장을 뜯고, 치킨을 뜯었다.

김유연 남친 얼굴 엄마친구아들 드라마 《엄마친구아들》은 2024년 8월 17일부터 2024년 10월 6일까지 방송된 tvn 토일 드라마 다. 오늘도 맛잏는걸로 준비완료입니다 가락몰은하수산입니다. 4 공습경보 evrima 에선 많이 울거나 기력이 없을때는 목소리가 쉰다. 09 2205 수니그룹 류하 공지 집. 다만 주 소재는 부모와 청소년 성인 나이대의.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.