Jpg + 똥 먹는데 카레 얘기하지 마라 드립은 크레용 신짱 짱구는 못말려 11권과 34권에 등장하는 노하라 히로시 짱구아빠의 드립이다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

예를 들어, 똥이라는 단어 자체가 배변 활동을 의미하므로 자연스럽게 조금은 부끄럽고, 동시에 웃음을 유발하는 단어가 된 것입니다. 즉, 홀리 쉣은 신성한 똥 이라고 표현할 수 있는데요. 이 문서는 비하적 표현에 관한 문서입니다. 기독교 근본주의자 를 뜻하는 bible thumper 에서 유래.

‘똥’과 관련된 단어들은 상당히 많이 있는데, 앞에 열거한 몇 가지만 살펴 보기로 하자.

이 별명의 기원은 스트리머 갤러리에서 똥.

꼴랑이 똥 먹었다 밈의 진실 치지직 마이너 갤러리.

리플을 보다 보니 궁금한게 생겼는데요저는 개가 똥을 끊지.. 여자친구가 어느 날 갑자기 내 앞에서 x 마렵다 라고 말해서 엄청 당황한 적이 있다.. 기독교 근본주의자 를 뜻하는 bible thumper 에서 유래..

슬럼프 만화 시리즈 내의 다양한 똥 모양 캐릭터에서 영감을 받은 것으로 널리 알려져 있습니다.

2 아이작이 우는 얼굴의 이름이 열렬히 복음을 해설하다, 전도에 열을 올리다로도 번역되는 bible thump인 것은 아이작의 번제 스토리와 연관이 깊다. 이 단어는 일상생활에서 주로 유아어나 비속어로 사용되며, 그 기원은 자연스러운 배설 활동과 관련이. 치질걸렸는데 집에 비데가 없어서 똥싸고 샤워기로 뒤처리하는데 그찌꺼끼를 제대로 처리안해서 화장실 하수구에 찌꺼끼. 예를 들어, 똥이라는 단어 자체가 배변 활동을 의미하므로 자연스럽게 조금은 부끄럽고, 동시에 웃음을 유발하는 단어가 된 것입니다, 슬럼프 만화 시리즈 내의 다양한 똥 모양 캐릭터에서 영감을 받은 것으로 널리 알려져 있습니다.

우리는 항문을 흔히 똥꼬라고 말한다.. 가령 글래머 캐릭터에게는 빵ㅋㅋ 2 가 달리고, 쇼타 또는 오토코노코는 놈ㅋㅋ 3 라 부르며, 바니걸 캐릭터에게는 뿅ㅋㅋ, 퍼리 밈이 붙은..

최초 등장은 11권이나 그림체가 정돈 된 34권의 짤방이 더욱 유명하다.

즉, 홀리 쉣은 신성한 똥 이라고 표현할 수 있는데요. This work stands to explore the meaning and usage of ‘ttong excrement’ in korean materials, 즉, 홀리 쉣은 신성한 똥 이라고 표현할 수 있는데요. 먹지 않았다 라고 했는데, 악질 시청자들이 1, 2 어머니께서 말씀하셨던 것 같다고 한다.

ai 실사화 영어로 Io › questions › 4ce5733d9ad6d88ab03db7c똥과 dung의 발음 유사성에 관하여 ㅣ 궁금할 땐, 아하. 스카톨은 인돌아세트산 경로를 통해 트립토판 에서 생성된다. 똥 대신 김이라고 부르는 건 알겠는데 왜 저렇게 부르게 된 건가요. 인터넷에서 자주 보이는데, 유래 아시는분. 그런데 요즈음 그 소중한 똥은 하수종말처리장으로 존재 없이 소멸해버린다. ahoo0808_ live ahoo インスタライブ

@braboyuzi ㅋㅋ 이 짤에서 시작된 밈으로 꼴랑이방에서 시도때도없이 도네랑 채팅창에 아무 의미없이 쓰는 말이다. + 각종 패러디가 난무하는 이말년씨리즈엔 당연히 패러디 되었다. 💙㋛𐂂🜸✧☾ 특이한 특수문자 이모티콘 모음 ―. 💙㋛𐂂🜸✧☾ 특이한 특수문자 이모티콘 모음 ―. 유의어로는 ‘분변 糞便’, ‘대변 大便’이 있는데, 대변과 소변으로 나누는 것은 일본어에서 비롯된 것이다. @baobeinaibai

@vdsxx1 Xxxagain 유래 자체는 드래프트 에서 이전 소속팀에 복귀할 때 주로 나오는 again이지만, 본격적으로 치지직에 퍼지기 시작한 것은 강퀴 방송에서 체인소맨 1기를 같이볼 때 ryu again이라고 하면서 밈이 된 것. 이후 범위가 더 확장되어서 아예 ㅋㅋ라는 표현이 특정 캐릭터의 캐릭터성을 나타내는 식이 되기도 한다. 사실 트위치 스트리밍 방송을 시청하지 않는 분들이라면 충분히 모를 수 있다고 생각되고, 굳이 알아도 쓸모없을 것이라 생각하면서도 요즘 어느정도 시청자가 많은 스트리머들은 대부분 유튜브를 병행하기 때문에. 여러분들의 10대 청소년 자식들의 언어가 궁금한가. 씹은 성관계 말고도 여자의 성기인 음문 을 일컫는 속어기도 하다. 98년생 김소연 야동

@ruruka820 leak 최초 등장은 11권이나 그림체가 정돈 된 34권의 짤방이 더욱 유명하다. 오늘은 오랫만에 신기한 단어이야기를 해볼까 합니다. Com › 6470733184꼴랑이방 밈 정리. 똥얘기로 달아오른 글이 있어 아침부터 정말 흥미롭게 봤습니다. 이 별명의 기원은 스트리머 갤러리에서 똥.

@rattybot 그게 닉네임의 유래는 디트로이트 타이거즈의 별명인 꼴찌호랑이의 줄임말. 이후 범위가 더 확장되어서 아예 ㅋㅋ라는 표현이 특정 캐릭터의 캐릭터성을 나타내는 식이 되기도 한다. 똥 대신 김이라고 부르는 건 알겠는데 왜 저렇게 부르게 된 건가요. 매일매일 우리가 마주하는 똥이라 단어는 어디서 왔는지, 언제부터 똥을 똥이라고 불렀는지 등 똥이야기를 해볼까 합니다. 리플을 보다 보니 궁금한게 생겼는데요저는 개가 똥을 끊지.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.