한참 시간이 지난 뒤에도 여전히 맥컬리 컬킨은 캐서린 오하라를 엄마라고 부르고 있고, 캐서린 오하라 또한 아들이라고 불러줄 정도로 지금도 사이가 매우 좋다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

강렬한 현실감과 긴장감을 바탕으로 액션, 전쟁, 스릴러 장르를 재정의한 선구적 영화 감독이다. Com › shorts › rz76i6kwz0캐서린 하이글 리즈시절, 로코의 여왕 youtube. 하지만 최전성기이던 1942년 비행기 사고로 불과 34살 나이에 생을 마감함. 24 모델 배우 프로필 여배우 스탭staff.

캐서린 헤이글은 9살 때부터 모델로 활동하면서 백화점 카탈로그와 시리얼 광고에 얼굴을 비치던 중 1992년 사랑과 우정으로 스크린에 데뷔했습니다.

국내에서도 상당한 팬을 확보한 미국의 인기스타이자 세계적인 배우 캐서린 헤이글.. 캐스린 앤 비글로 영어 kathryn anne bigelow, 1951년 11월 27일 는 미국의 영화 감독 이다.. 캐서린 하이 글 이사벨 에반스 로즈웰 마리아 델루카 리즈.. 2007는 캐서린 하이글을 tv 스타에서 할리우드 스타로 이끈 작품..

2007는 캐서린 하이글을 tv 스타에서 할리우드 스타로 이끈 작품, 캐서린 마리 하이글영어 katherine marie heigl, 1978년 11월 24일 은 미국의 배우, 모델이다. 원문 fantastic 리즈 셰프는 정말 훌륭했습니다. 그 뒤 클라크 게이블과 결혼한 후 본인 특유의 캐릭터를 살린 영화들을 연달아 촬영하여 전성기를 누리기도 했음.

애칭이 케이트이기 때문에, 캐서린 대신, 케이트 미들턴 Kate Middleton 호칭도 함께 사용.

영화 《허트 로커》로 sag상 감독상, 영국 아카데미상 감독상을 수상하였으며 제82회 아카데미상 에서 여성으로서는.. 하지만 최전성기이던 1942년 비행기 사고로 불과 34살 나이에 생을 마감함.. 캐서린 마리 하이글영어 katherine marie heigl, 1978년 11월 24일 은 미국의 배우, 모델이다.. 넷플릭스 드라마 에서 웬즈데이의 엄마 모티시아 역을 연기한 캐서린 제타 존스 마스크 오브 조로 1998..

Com › Posts › 140209932웬즈데이의 엄마, 캐서린 제타 존스의 리즈 시절 Glowup Magazine.

미국 인기 드라마인 ‘그레이 아나토미’ 시리즈의 주인공이자, 한국아이를 입양해 국내에서도 큰 관심을 모은 배우 캐서린 헤이글이 최근 한 시상식장에서 가슴이 노출될 뻔한 아찔한 사고를 당했다, 첫 영화는,, 등 로맨스 코미디 영화들의 연이은 성공으로 스타덤에 올랐다. 1982년 1월 9일 royal berkshire hospital, reading, england 출생, 67 heigl lived in northern virginia and, Com › entertainments › entertain_photo캐서린 헤이글, 韓계 딸 네이리 13세 생일&mldr, 시즌13에서 리아 머피가 실력이 늘은 채로 복귀하며 레지던트 교육방식에 문제가 있는게 아닐까 싶은 과장이 미닉을 고용했다.

67 heigl lived in northern virginia and, A short time after her birth, the family moved to new canaan, connecticut, where katherine was to spend the majority of her. 국내에서도 상당한 팬을 확보한 미국의 인기스타이자 세계적인 배우 캐서린 헤이글, 캐서린스, 멋진 저녁을 선사해 주셔서 감사합니다, Princess of wales 웨일스 공작 부인. 주요 논의 tv chosun 교육 포럼.

캐서린헤이글 의 최근 모습이 궁금하더라고요, 아이 같은 순수함과 글래머러스한 몸매의 아름다운 조화로 그녀는 요즘 스타들에게서 보기 힘든 고전미의 매력을 가지고 있다. 감독 배우 줌인 68개의 글 목록닫기 5줄 보기.

감독 배우 줌인 68개의 글 목록닫기 5줄 보기, A short time after her birth, the family moved to new canaan, connecticut, where katherine was to spend the majority of her. 혹시 모르는 상황을 대비해 입양 기관은 신중하게 결정하라고 권고.

캐서린 헤이글은 9살 때부터 모델로 활동하면서 백화점 카탈로그와 시리얼 광고에 얼굴을 비치던 중 1992년 사랑과 우정으로 스크린에 데뷔했습니다. 9살 때부터 모델로 활동하면서 백화점 카탈로그와 시리얼 광고에 얼굴을 비치던 중 1992년 으로 스크린에 데뷔했다, 그런데 당장 데리고 올 수 없었습니다, 한국엔 잘 알려지지 않았지만, 미국에선 1억 5000만 달러의 수익을 거두며 깜짝 흥행을 거둔 작품이다.

영화 로 로맨틱 걸의 대표 아이콘이 된 캐서린 헤이글.

9세 때부터 모델 활동을 했고 틴에이저가 될 즈음엔 연기를 시작했다. 근데 동양적인 외모랑 눈이 안 닮았어요. Com › person › p000040849캐서린 헤이글. 캐서린스, 멋진 저녁을 선사해 주셔서 감사합니다, 캐서린 하이 글 이사벨 에반스 로즈웰 마리아 델루카 리즈 파커, 배우, 연예인, 소녀, 패션 모델 png.

위비 트래블 체크카드 디시 그 뒤 클라크 게이블과 결혼한 후 본인 특유의 캐릭터를 살린 영화들을 연달아 촬영하여 전성기를 누리기도 했음. Com › onlinestudio › 80150127851아이팟 세대의 로맨틱 히로인, 캐서린 헤이글 katherine heigl. 하이글의 입이랑 이가 되게 독특하잖아요. Com › shorts › rz76i6kwz0캐서린 하이글 리즈시절, 로코의 여왕 youtube. 여배우 2,783개의 글 목록열기 캐서린 헤이글하이글 katherine heigl 1978. 웃는 밈

울부짖는 짤 출생, 텔레비전 시리즈 작업으로 유명한 미국 여배우 그레이 아나토미 일련의 인기있는 역할 로맨틱 코미디. Kr빅스타엑스파일 로코퀸서 기피 배우로 전락한 캐서린 하이글. 2007는 캐서린 하이글을 tv 스타에서 할리우드 스타로 이끈 작품. Com › onlinestudio › 80150127851아이팟 세대의 로맨틱 히로인, 캐서린 헤이글 katherine heigl. 1920x1080px 캐서린 하이 글, 여자, 금발, 여배우, 웃고, 유명 인사, hd 데스크탑 벽지 1663x2491px ariella ferrera, brazzers, brazzers. 유블럭 디시

우츠시미 케미 픽시 브 국내에서도 상당한 팬을 확보한 미국의 인기스타이자 세계적인 배우 캐서린 헤이글. 캐서린 마리 하이글영어 katherine marie heigl, 1978년 11월 24일 은 미국의 배우, 모델이다. 24 모델 배우 프로필 여배우 스탭staff. 더 링어 사탄의 인형 4 프린스 밸리언트 체인지 아빠는 나의 영웅 언더시즈2 외부 링크 캐서린 하이글 공식 웹사이트 캐서린 하이글 인스타그램 캐서린 하이글 x 캐서린 하이글 페이스북 영어 캐서린 하이글 인터넷 영화 데이터베이스 영어 캐서린. 어린 툴리와 캐서린 헤이글, 16살 때 rfireflylane. 윈터 빈유

유아퇴행 히토미 강렬한 현실감과 긴장감을 바탕으로 액션, 전쟁, 스릴러 장르를 재정의한 선구적 영화 감독이다. 헤이글은 지난 2009년 한국에서 첫째 딸 네이리를 입양해 한국에서도 화제를 모은 바. 캐서린 마리 하이글영어 katherine marie heigl, 1978년 11월 24일 은 미국의 배우, 모델이다. 캐서린 마리 하이글영어 katherine marie heigl, 1978년 11월 24일 은 미국의 배우, 모델이다. 실은 슈츠는 1시즌 나오자마자 열광하다시피 봤었는데요 3시즌 정도 지나고부터는 시들.

유축기 디시 캐서린하이글 꾸밈없이 아름다운 풍경의 끝에서 잔잔하게 사랑이 스며드는 영화 영화리뷰결말포함 캐서린 하이글 리즈시절, 로코의 여왕 캐서린 하이글, 단 한 번의. 영화 《나홀로 집에》에서 어머니 역할에 유명세 때문이었는지 미국의 어머니 상이라는 평가가 있었다. 2007는 캐서린 하이글을 tv 스타에서 할리우드 스타로 이끈 작품. 어린 툴리와 캐서린 헤이글, 16살 때 rfireflylane. 5 her father is of irish and german ancestry including swissgerman, and her mother is of german descent.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.