이 페이지에서는 더 이상 팔로우하고 싶지 않은 계정을 언팔로우할 수도 있습니다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

와 ㄹㅇ 트친집 침대에누워서 트뉘터하면서 졸앗음. 감정 완성과 뉘터 의 위로를 주는 요소인 잔잔한 피아노 선율과 차분한 배경음악이 주는 경험이 가슴을 뜨겁게 만듭니다. 독일은 법이 발달해 있고 규범이 많은 나라인데도 1년에 2명씩 아이가 놀이터에서 사고로. 트위터 고객센터계정 문제 해결부터 문의 방법까지 총정리트위터는 실시간 정보 공유와 네트워크 형성에 최적화된 소셜 미디어 플랫폼으로, 전 세계에서 활발하게 사용되고 있습니다.

트위터영상저장랭킹 이라는 사이트가 있는데 사람들이 저장한 영상들이 있는 사이트입니다, _seong_gay on janu 트뉘터 애호가 유성이.. 지금 바로 시작하여 최신 뉴스, 트렌드를 빠르게 얻고..

이 영화는 내면의 혼란에서 사랑과 신뢰로 승리하는 가슴 설렜는 이야기입니다.

2024년 하계 올림픽 탁구 여자 단식은 8월 3일부터 8월 8일까지 진행되며 64강부터 시작하여 결선 토너먼트를 통해 메달의 주인공이 결정되고, 신유빈, 린 예, 변송경, 손가영 등 여러 선수들이 경쟁을 펼쳤다.

우리가 알아야 할 것은 안전사고가 많이 나는 놀이터는 지루한 놀이터라는 점이다, 와 ㄹㅇ 트친집 침대에누워서 트뉘터하면서 졸앗음. 작성일 200116 1800 uefa 트뉘터 근황 글쓴이 표주영 조회 149 해, 으로 전해들음 와잔 지금 u18 미드 뎁스가 해리슨 월시 뉘터 홀랜드 왓슨 니콜야줄리 이 정도 되는데 홀랜드랑 니콜이 재능의 축으로는 제일 압도적이라고 봅니다 니콜야줄리는 최근에 u16 월반하면서 잉글랜드는 유스풀이 넓어서 월반하는 경우가 잘 없음 그나마 아스날.

아란트사 코시오 아세베스 mex 64강 53, 이 페이지에서는 더 이상 팔로우하고 싶지 않은 계정을 언팔로우할 수도 있습니다, 비회원은 12시간 이내에 작성된 댓글은 열람할 수 없습니다, 감정 완성과 뉘터 의 위로를 주는 요소인 잔잔한 피아노 선율과 차분한 배경음악이 주는 경험이 가슴을 뜨겁게 만듭니다, 이 페이지에서는 더 이상 팔로우하고 싶지 않은 계정을 언팔로우할 수도 있습니다, 앞의 기후에 대한 설명에 나와있겠지만 바렌츠해에는 대구가 잘 잡힌다.

으로 전해들음 와잔 지금 U18 미드 뎁스가 해리슨 월시 뉘터 홀랜드 왓슨 니콜야줄리 이 정도 되는데 홀랜드랑 니콜이 재능의 축으로는 제일 압도적이라고 봅니다 니콜야줄리는 최근에 U16 월반하면서 잉글랜드는 유스풀이 넓어서 월반하는 경우가 잘 없음 그나마 아스날.

앞의 기후에 대한 설명에 나와있겠지만 바렌츠해에는 대구가 잘 잡힌다.. 《japanese street slang》.. 야설 쓰고 싶은데 장르소설 마이너 갤러리..

트넘갤은 토트넘 핫스퍼 마이너 갤러리의 줄임말로, 토트넘 팬들이 모여 토트넘의 경기와 선수들에 대해 이야기하는 곳입니다, 치지직 스트리머들의 전략적 팀 전투 솔로랭크 강함 순위를 제공합니다, 계정 생성부터 프로필 설정, 정보 습득, 소통 방법까지, x트위터를 100% 활용하는 꿀팁을 모두 담았습니다, 카부마맥퀸 거의 확정홀랜드 확정라바이 확정리차즈 확정칼빈이 확정에부에 확정베르날 확정월시 확정에젠와타 확정애서튼 확정버클리아계퐁 확정비다필버트 뉘터홀웨이트토비 벨이러면 남은 유일한 08년생 이사고가.

노피아 감성 야설은 거의 아다들 망상 수준이라 토나와서 못쓰겠고 좀 제대로된 야설 쓰고 싶은데 저기말고는 쓸데 없는거야, 카부마맥퀸 거의 확정홀랜드 확정라바이 확정리차즈 확정칼빈이 확정에부에 확정베르날 확정월시 확정에젠와타 확정애서튼 확정버클리아계퐁 확정비다필버트 뉘터홀웨이트토비 벨이러면 남은 유일한 08년생 이사고가. 묲$묲$묲$묲$묲$묲$묲$묲$묲$묲$묲$묲$묲$뭙혜 墟븢 w. 비회원은 12시간 이내에 작성된 댓글은 열람할 수 없습니다. 솔로미야 브라테이코 ukr 64강 51, 지금 바로 시작하여 최신 뉴스, 트렌드를 빠르게 얻고.

The latest tweets from 사망🌈 @samang_biya. 하지만 계정 로그인 문제, 해킹, 계정 정지, 콘텐츠 신고 등의 다양한 문제가 발생할 수 있습니다. x트위터 초보자를 위한 완벽 가이드. 15일 오전 11시 공개된 남의 연애는 솔직하고 과감한 남자들이 남의 집에 입주해 서로의 진솔한 마음을 확인하는 국내 최초 남자들의 연애 리얼리티 프로그램 입니다, 일상 read more.

One of the more hazardous oppai japanese slang word meaning breast concoctions is the redlightdistrict expression. 트위터 고객센터계정 문제 해결부터 문의 방법까지 총정리트위터는 실시간 정보 공유와 네트워크 형성에 최적화된 소셜 미디어 플랫폼으로, 전 세계에서 활발하게 사용되고 있습니다. 오늘은 쓸데없는 군살은 제외하고 바로 트위터 x 용어에 대해서 알아봅니다. Constantine, peter 1992.

트위터 pc버전은 사용자에게 소셜 미디어를 통해 정보를 공유하고 소통할 수 있는 플랫폼을 제공합니다. 누가 사칭을 진호로해요이분이 그 왜냐 read more. 으로 전해들음 와잔 지금 u18 미드 뎁스가 해리슨 월시 뉘터 홀랜드 왓슨 니콜야줄리 이 정도 되는데 홀랜드랑 니콜이 재능의 축으로는 제일 압도적이라고 봅니다 니콜야줄리는 최근에 u16 월반하면서 잉글랜드는 유스풀이 넓어서 월반하는 경우가 잘 없음 그나마 아스날, 최상목 대통령실 경제수석은 지난 29일 현지시간 마드리드 프레스센터에서 브리핑을 열고 마르크 뉘터 네덜란드 총리와의 면담에서 뤼터 총리가 한국의 원전은 선도적이며 한국을 원전 협력국의 옵션으로 생각한다고 말했다고 전했다, 트뉘터 애호가 유성이 instagram유성이 조지는 계정 트뉘터 애호가 유성이 instagram.

와 ㄹㅇ 트친집 침대에누워서 트뉘터하면서 졸앗음. 전용어플 없이 저장할 수 있어, 누구나 쉽게 이용하실 수 있습니다, 비회원은 12시간 이내에 read more. 이제는 트위터가 아니라 엑스x라는 이름으로 불리고 있지만, 여전히 많은 분들에게는 트위터twitter.

표준적인 놀이터에서 더 사고가 많이 난다.

전용어플 없이 저장할 수 있어, 누구나 쉽게 이용하실 수 있습니다, 2024년 하계 올림픽 탁구 여자 단식은 8월 3일부터 8월 8일까지 진행되며 64강부터 시작하여 결선 토너먼트를 통해 메달의 주인공이 결정되고, 신유빈, 린 예, 변송경, 손가영 등 여러 선수들이 경쟁을 펼쳤다. 《the japanese art of sex how to tease, seduce, & pleasure the samurai in your bedroom》 illurat판.

스티븐 에이버리 근황 30 182 0 465379 일반 선배가 념글에 없는게 말이되냐 5 직붕이 03. 15일 오전 11시 공개된 남의 연애는 솔직하고 과감한 남자들이 남의 집에 입주해 서로의 진솔한 마음을 확인하는 국내 최초 남자들의 연애 리얼리티 프로그램 입니다, 일상 read more. 노피아 감성 야설은 거의 아다들 망상 수준이라 토나와서 못쓰겠고 좀 제대로된 야설 쓰고 싶은데 저기말고는 쓸데 없는거야. 《japanese street slang》. 토트넘핫스퍼fc 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 스즈 할로윈 월페이퍼

스팽섹스 Constantine, peter 1992. 토트넘핫스퍼 fc mini 갤러리 입니다, 캡틴 손흥민이 45분 동안 맹활약을 펼친 토트넘이 유럽축구연맹uefa 유로파리그 16강에 직행했다. 여성의 가슴 에 남성의 성기를 끼워 흔들며 쾌감을 일으키는 비삽입성교이다. 감정 완성과 뉘터 의 위로를 주는 요소인 잔잔한 피아노 선율과 차분한 배경음악이 주는 경험이 가슴을 뜨겁게 만듭니다. 표준적인 놀이터에서 더 사고가 많이 난다. 시골 히토미

스캇 트위터 트뉘터 애호가 유성이 instagram유성이 조지는 계정 트뉘터 애호가 유성이 instagram. 트위터 pc버전은 사용자에게 소셜 미디어를 통해 정보를 공유하고 소통할 수 있는 플랫폼을 제공합니다. 트넘갤은 토트넘 핫스퍼 마이너 갤러리의 줄임말로, 토트넘 팬들이 모여 토트넘의 경기와 선수들에 대해 이야기하는 곳입니다. 여성의 가슴 에 남성의 성기를 끼워 흔들며 쾌감을 일으키는 비삽입성교이다. 《the japanese art of sex how to tease, seduce, & pleasure the samurai in your bedroom》 illurat판. 쉬멜 av배우

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.