Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › mgallery › board바르닭 맛있는 거 맞냐. 5 히나는아가야지켜줘야해200 ㅇㅇㅇ ㅈㅇ 6 유토리_나츠200 바나나 껍질딸 후기 2 ㅇㅇ202 진짜진짜 속보 8 얼음조각2030. 노발기일때 껍질 덮인 상태에서 귀두만 자극하는 식으로 딸치는데 훨씬좋음 그래서 딸치다 발기되면 잠시 안쳐서 발기 풀리면 침 어차피 느낌 좋아서. 노포들아 딸칠때 어떤 방법이 제일 기분 좋음.

껍찔딸이란 말그대로 이 귀두부분을 벗겨지지 않은 고추껍질로 문데는건데 손으로할때의 마찰력보다 훨씬부드럽고 쉽게 할수있을걸로추측된다.. Com › mgallery › board껍질딸 포경수술 마이너 갤러리 디시인사이드.. 어떤 심정인지 베르길리우스는 라피스를 보육원으로 보내 후원했다..

트위두가

2 결혼후 무자녀로 사시는, 혹은 사셨던 분들 어떠신가요, Com › board › humor바나나 껍질딸 치려다가 화상입을뻔 웃긴대학. 20살됐는데 껍질까볼생각한번도 안하다가 오늘 노발일때 껍질 한번까봤는데 잘까지더라 그상태로 발기시켜봤는데 껍질이 꽉조여서 풀발이 안됨 그리고. 2 결혼후 무자녀로 사시는, 혹은 사셨던 분들 어떠신가요. 노포들아 딸칠때 어떤방법이 제일 쾌감 좋음, 20242025년은 정말 장난 아니었네요 연애를 하고 싶은데 시작이 힘드네요 직장에서.

껍질 안깐 상태에서 쿠퍼액이 귀두에 맺힐 정도로만 유지하고.. 나 진성포경인데 포피껍질를 위아래로 흔들면서 자극 주면서 딸치거든.. 5 히나는아가야지켜줘야해200 ㅇㅇㅇ ㅈㅇ 6 유토리_나츠200 바나나 껍질딸 후기 2 ㅇㅇ202 진짜진짜 속보 8 얼음조각2030..

껍질 처음으로 까봤는데 귀두가 ㅈㄴ아픔 갤러리 디시인사이드. 자유 님들 바나나껍질딸 참외딸 파스딸 한번도안해봄, Com › mgallery › board바르닭 맛있는 거 맞냐. 베르길리우스project moon 세계관, 껍질딸치는 노포 만붕이들 필독 202110202402 만화. 껍질 처음으로 까봤는데 귀두가 ㅈㄴ아픔 갤러리 디시인사이드.

탬 탬버린 논란 디시

딸 존나 오래 과격하게 잡다가 껍질 찢어졌다 인증o. 껍질만 잡고 흔드는거 글쓴비갤러114. 바나나껍질로 딸치다 마리오카트 꼴 남 ㅠ. 껍질 안깐 상태에서 쿠퍼액이 귀두에 맺힐 정도로만 유지하고. 20242025년은 정말 장난 아니었네요 연애를 하고 싶은데 시작이 힘드네요 직장에서.

노포들아 딸칠때 어떤 방법이 제일 기분 좋음. 부모의 원수를 은인으로 착각해 마음을 열어. 그니까 껍질만잡고 흔드는게 귀두 부분말하는거 아님, 노발기일때 껍질 덮인 상태에서 귀두만 자극하는 식으로 딸치는데 훨씬좋음 그래서 딸치다 발기되면 잠시 안쳐서 발기 풀리면 침 어차피 느낌 좋아서. Com › mgallery › board바르닭 맛있는 거 맞냐. 정치자료는 옳고 그름을 막론하고 강하게 제재합니다.

트위터 Cfnm

특정 법안특정 정책에 대한 글, 국민청원, 시사글, 비판글도 삭제 대상이며 정치관련 내용이. Com › mgallery › board껍질딸 포경수술 마이너 갤러리 디시인사이드. 자유 님들 바나나껍질딸 참외딸 파스딸 한번도안해봄. Com › index딸 많이 치는 놈들은 꼭 봤으면 좋겠다 유머움짤이슈 에펨코리. 5 히나는아가야지켜줘야해200 ㅇㅇㅇ ㅈㅇ 6 유토리_나츠200 바나나 껍질딸 후기 2 ㅇㅇ202 진짜진짜 속보 8 얼음조각2030. 베르길리우스project moon 세계관.

구라안박고 딸칠때 노발기일때만 흔드는사람 있음, 껍질 잡고 아래로 까면서 내리고 올라올때 다시 덮어주기 반복. 껍질 잡고 아래로 까면서 내리고 올라올때 다시 덮어주기 반복.

트위터 닷넷 처벌 디시 껍질 잡고 아래로 까면서 내리고 올라올때 다시 덮어주기 반복. 딸 존나 오래 과격하게 잡다가 껍질 찢어졌다 인증o. 그니까 껍질만잡고 흔드는게 귀두 부분말하는거 아님. 20살됐는데 껍질까볼생각한번도 안하다가 오늘 노발일때 껍질 한번까봤는데 잘까지더라 그상태로 발기시켜봤는데 껍질이 꽉조여서 풀발이 안됨 그리고. 껍질 잡고 아래로 까면서 내리고 올라올때 다시 덮어주기 반복. 트위터 so_so4123

트위터 걸그룹 베르길리우스가 몰살시킨 어느 조직의 보스 부부의 딸. Com › mgallery › board바르닭 맛있는 거 맞냐. 특정 법안특정 정책에 대한 글, 국민청원, 시사글, 비판글도 삭제 대상이며 정치관련 내용이. 23년째 노포인 만붕이 몇달전에 첫 여친이 생겨서 걔가 펠라만 해줫는데. 부모의 원수를 은인으로 착각해 마음을 열어. 트위터 ㄱㄷ 뜻

트위터 레즈 키스 껍질딸 안해봐서 궁금하긴함 포경수술 마이너 갤러리. Com › board › humor바나나 껍질딸 치려다가 화상입을뻔 웃긴대학. 비슷한 춘카는 조개 껍질을 정해진 곳에 가까이 던지는 놀이 등은 가족들과 게임처럼 즐길 수 있다. 자유 님들 바나나껍질딸 참외딸 파스딸 한번도안해봄. 껍질딸 안해봐서 궁금하긴함 포경수술 마이너 갤러리. 트위터 경기19

트위터 08변녀 노발기일때 껍질 덮인 상태에서 귀두만 자극하는 식으로 딸치는데 훨씬좋음 그래서 딸치다 발기되면 잠시 안쳐서 발기 풀리면 침 어차피 느낌 좋아서. 비슷한 춘카는 조개 껍질을 정해진 곳에 가까이 던지는 놀이 등은 가족들과 게임처럼 즐길 수 있다. Com › index딸 많이 치는 놈들은 꼭 봤으면 좋겠다 유머움짤이슈 에펨코리. Com › mgallery › board껍질딸 포경수술 마이너 갤러리 디시인사이드. 부모의 원수를 은인으로 착각해 마음을 열어.

타카미야 료 구라안박고 딸칠때 노발기일때만 흔드는사람 있음. Hours ago — 덴마크영화중에 그랜스 또는 보더라는 영화있는데 거기서 저런거 봤음 ㅋㅋㅋ 여자 경찰이 이끼먹음. 5 히나는아가야지켜줘야해200 ㅇㅇㅇ ㅈㅇ 6 유토리_나츠200 바나나 껍질딸 후기 2 ㅇㅇ202 진짜진짜 속보 8 얼음조각2030. Com › index딸 많이 치는 놈들은 꼭 봤으면 좋겠다 유머움짤이슈 에펨코리. 껍질 처음으로 까봤는데 귀두가 ㅈㄴ아픔 갤러리 디시인사이드.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.