송혜교 박보검 증권가 지라시 확산 tvn 남자친구 드라마 블로그.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

박보검 갤러리, 송혜교송중기 이혼 지라시에 뿔났다. 시청률 불패 송혜교도 박보검 묻고 한자릿수갔잖아. 연습생 동기랑 전화 통화하는 에스파 카리나 ㅇㅇ 의사들이 심장내과를 안 하는 이유에 대해 알아보자 ㅇㅇ 싱글벙글 바키작가가 그린 최홍만. 만 들어간것만 보면 고추가 근질근질 2194935 ㅇㅓ 씨발 분명히 방귀였는데 2.

아침에는 박보검 새벽에는 송혜교 까질 패턴도 똑같고 너는 혹시 치매냐 똑같은글 반복하는 이유가 뭐임.

이지은 지성 혜리 송혜교 박보검 손예진 조승우 박서준 등 낚아채신 써클차트 갤러리 2026.

박보검, 지라시에 강경 대응 예고더팩트｜문수연 기자 배우 송혜교, 송중기 부부가 이혼 소식을 전한 가운데 송중기와 평소 절친한 사이로 알려진 배우 박보검에게까지 불똥이 튀었다.

송중기 아빠가 기자들한테 송혜교 잘부탁한다고.

배우 송중기34 씨가 오랫동안 몸담았던 소속사를 떠난다.. 헉 위에 세개는 그래도 입술만 옴뇸뇸.. 박보검이 ‘남자친구’에 함께 출연한 송혜교와의 지라시가 돌며 팬들이 적극적으로 대응에 나섰다.. 박보검 갤러리, 송혜교송중기 이혼 지라시에 뿔났다..

박보검 송혜교 선배님한테 하트 눌러준적 있어요.

톱스타 송중기35송혜교39 부부가 결혼 1년 8개월여 만에 이혼 소식을 전한 가운데 박보검 갤러리가 지라시에 오른 박보검 지키기에 나섰다. Com › newsview › 1vkkxc59e9공식입장송혜교와 루머 박보검 측 불쾌하다&mldr, 이전과 달리 밝은 미소로 차은우와 시간을 보내고 있으며. Kim hyeeun as kim sunjoo, jinhyuks pr department leader at work jeon sonee as jo hyein, 11 jinhyuks friend and senior at work kim hochang ko as lee jinho, jinhyuks workmate lee sihoon ko as park hangil, 12 jinhyuks workmate park jinjoo as eunjin, 13 jinhyuks workmate who has an interest in him park sunggeun ko as choi jincheul shin sooyeon as jiyoo, sunjoo.

차이나삼촌 디시 소속사 측이 루머와 허위사실 유포에 따른 강경대응을 시사하는 이유다. 끝나면 돌아보지 않는다연애할 때 올인하는 송혜교와. 27일 온라인 커뮤니티 디시인사이드 박보검 갤러리. 송혜교, 박보검 과거 키스씬 보니 너무 달달해 24일 박보검이 주요포털 실시간 검색어로 떠오른 가운데 과거 송혜교와 키스씬이 새삼 화제다. 이지은 지성 혜리 송혜교 박보검 손예진 조승우 박서준 등 낚아채신 써클차트 갤러리 2026. 주짓수 여자 냄새 디시

주토피아 가젤 디시 27일 박보검 소속사인 블러썸엔터테인먼트 측은 뉴스1에 박보검의 가장 최근 작품이 송혜교씨와 출연한 작품이어서 이런 루머가 나온 것 같다며 관련된 지라시는 사실이 아니며. 배우 박보검 측이 송중기와 송혜교의 이혼 루머에 대해 강경 대응할 방침을 밝힌 가운데 팬들도 자체 고발팀을 만들어 대응에 나섰다. 뉴스포스트강은지 기자 배우 송혜교, 박보검 주연의 남자친구가 동시간대 시청률 1위를 기록했다. ‘세기의 커플’로 세간의 주목을 한몸에 받았던 송중기송혜교 부부가 결혼 1년8개월 만에 파경을 맞은 가운데 이들의 이혼과 관련된 루머에 이름이 등장한 박보검 측이 강력한 법적 대응을 예고하고 나섰다. 이들은 한 테이블에 둘러앉아 훈훈한 우정을 뽐내며 남다른 친분을 과시했다. 죽지 않는 자의 구슬픈 종소리

줄리아 야동 최근 한 온라인 커뮤니티에는 송혜교와 박보검 키스씬이라는 글이 게재됐다. 송혜교x박보검 남자친구, 11월 28일 첫 방송 드라마리뷰. 이에 박보검 측은 지라시에 대해 강력하게 대응하겠다는 뜻을 밝혔다. 뉴스포스트강은지 기자 배우 송혜교, 박보검 주연의 남자친구가 동시간대 시청률 1위를 기록했다. 송혜교 결혼하고 박보검하고 남자친구 찍을때 기타 국내. 지하철 생리혈

주술회전 메카마루 죽음 뉴스포스트강은지 기자 배우 송혜교, 박보검 주연의 남자친구가 동시간대 시청률 1위를 기록했다. 27일 오후부터 ‘dc인사이드’ 박보검 갤러리. 쿠바 올로케 촬영, 송혜교, 박보검이라는 걸출한 두 배우의 열연 기대로 드라마 애청자인 저를 포함한 모든 네티즌들이 11월 28일이 오기만을 기다리고 있는데요. 드라마 《남자친구》에 박보검과 연상연하 커플로 캐스팅돼 화제가 됐다. ‘세기의 커플’로 세간의 주목을 한몸에 받았던 송중기송혜교 부부가 결혼 1년8개월 만에 파경을 맞은 가운데 이들의 이혼과 관련된 루머에 이름이 등장한 박보검 측이 강력한 법적 대응을 예고하고 나섰다.

주물gif 헉 위에 세개는 그래도 입술만 옴뇸뇸. Com › site › datasc이슈송중기송혜교 충격 이혼 발표→박보검 찌라시까지&mldr. 송혜교, 박보검 주연의 남자친구 드라마에 저희 제이앤디홈가구에서 가구 협찬을 했답니다. 이에 박보검 소속사는 허위사실 유포에 대해 법적 대응을 검토하겠다고 강경하게 나섰고, 송중기 소속사 역시 사실무근이라며 루머를 강력히 부인했다. 시청률 불패 송혜교도 박보검 묻고 한자릿수갔잖아.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.