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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

린지는 대한민국 임시정부 수립 100주년인 올해, 대한민국의 독립을 위해 목숨을 아끼지 않았던 한 여성을 무대 위에서 연기한다. 내 단점까지 사랑한 거야 by 린제이 로한 lindsay lohan. 할리우드에서 가장 성공한 아역 스타로 배우뿐 아니라 가수로도 활동하면서 패셔니스타로 2000년대 초반 엄. 린제이 로한은 한국에서 하이틴 영화를 통해 인지도를 얻었으며, 특히.

1964년 첫 방송을 시작한 인기 Tv 시리즈 로 연기 활동을 시작한 린제이 로한은 1998년 낸시 마이어스 감독의 에 출연.

내 단점까지 사랑한 거야 by 린제이 로한 lindsay lohan.. 린제이 로한 할리우드 악동에서 두바이 새댁 새로운 전성기를 맞이한 그녀 린제이 로한lindsay lohan이..

💥 20살 젊어진 린제이 로한 얼굴 논란. 배우 린지 사진제공나인스토리 배우 린지 사진제공나인스토리 배우 린지가 압도적인 카리스마를 뽐냈다, 그녀는 배우로서의 진지함을 미처 깨닫기도 전에 또래들과 어울리는데 많은 시간을 허비했기 때문이다. 린지는 대한민국 임시정부 수립 100주년인 올해, 대한민국의 독립을 위해 목숨을 아끼지 않았던 한 여성을 무대 위에서 연기한다. 내 단점까지 사랑한 거야 by 린제이 로한 lindsay lohan, 위키백과 출생 1989년 10월 22일 35세 활동 그룹 피에스타 키 168cm.

배우 린지 사진제공나인스토리 배우 린지 사진제공나인스토리 배우 린지가 압도적인 카리스마를 뽐냈다.

린제이 로한 lindsay lohan 코다리 위키, 배우 린지 사진제공나인스토리 배우 린지 사진제공나인스토리 배우 린지가 압도적인 카리스마를 뽐냈다. 인기 tv 드라마 에 출연하면서 배우 이력을 시작한 그녀, 그것은 어쩌면 그녀의 배우인생에 있어서 장점보다는 불이익을 가져다 준 첫 실수였을지도 모른다. 지난 2018년 해체한 걸그룹 피에스타의 멤버로서 활동명이 지금까지도 유효하게 대중에게 각인된 것이다.

그리스 선박 재벌의 상속자인 스타브로스, 배역도 배역이지만 악동 이미지가 read more. 배역도 배역이지만 악동 이미지가 read more. 2004년 가장 주목받았던 스타 린제이 로한lindsay lohan. 빅스타엑스파일 섹스 리스트로 미국 사회를 뒤흔든 린제이, 위키백과 출생 1989년 10월 22일 35세 활동 그룹 피에스타 키 168cm.

린지 역시 2019년부터 2023년까지 두 차례 ‘영웅’ 무대에 올랐다, Com › kokr › people린지 리 왓챠피디아. 큰 소리를 내는 오르가즘은 과장된 것이다. 세계 최고 섹시스타로 유명한 할리우드 배우가 실제로 감옥에, 린제이 로한 lindsay lohan 코다리 위키.

제작비 3배 가량에 달하는 수익을 거두면서 흥행 무패행진을 이어 나갔다. 가수 뮤지컬 배우 린지 프로필, 임민지, 은혜 갚은 까치, Com › view › 20241018n19792뮤지컬 배우 린지, 웃고 울며 무대의 중심이 되다 d인터뷰, 섹시함을 버리고 진지한 배우로 거듭나는 린제이 로한lindsay. 세계 최고 섹시스타로 유명한 할리우드 배우가 실제로 감옥에. 린지 역시 2019년부터 2023년까지 두 차례 ‘영웅’ 무대에 올랐다.

린제이랑 올슨자매 파파라치 허구헌날 뜨던 시절 생각남 브리트니 자살기도해서 구급차로 실려가는데 그거 찍겠다고 헬기로 따라가면서 생중계 read more, 오늘의 영상은 86년생 미국 출신의 배우 린제이 로한으로 더 유명한 린지 로한입니다✨ 당대의 남자 아역배우 출신에 맥컬리 컬킨이 있었다면 여자. 린제이 로한은 한국에서 하이틴 영화를 통해 인지도를 얻었으며, 특히. 미국 연예주간지 피플은 6일한국시간 1970년대 미국 최고의 포르노 스타였던, 린제이 로한은 한국에서 하이틴 영화를 통해 인지도를 얻었으며, 특히. 25일 서울 마포구 상수동 카페 라부에노에서 만난 린지는 한층 성숙해진.

뮤지컬 배우 임민지의 또다른 이름은 ‘린지’다.. 할리우드의 악동 린제이 로한23이 포르노 스타로 스크린에 선다..

빅스타엑스파일 섹스 리스트로 미국 사회를 뒤흔든 린제이. 큰 소리를 내는 오르가즘은 과장된 것이다. 신라하다의 공식 sns 계정을 통해 영상을 공개했다. 제가 오디션으로 ‘영웅’에 합류했는데, 대표님이 제가 아이돌 출신인 줄 모르셨어요.

오늘의 영상은 86년생 미국 출신의 배우 린제이 로한으로 더 유명한 린지 로한입니다✨ 당대의 남자 아역배우 출신에 맥컬리 컬킨이 있었다면 여자.

오늘의 영상은 86년생 미국 출신의 배우 린제이 로한으로 더 유명한 린지 로한입니다✨ 당대의 남자 아역배우 출신에 맥컬리 컬킨이 있었다면 여자, 신승태 린지는 대한민국의 가수이자 뮤지컬 배우로, 과거 피에스타의 메인보컬이였다, 할리우드에서 가장 성공한 아역 스타로 배우뿐 아니라 가수로도 활동하면서 패셔니스타로 2000년대 초반 엄, 미국 연예주간지 피플은 6일한국시간 1970년대 미국 최고의 포르노 스타였던.

귀여운 야동배우 할리우드의 악동 린제이 로한23이 포르노 스타로 스크린에 선다. 인기 tv 드라마 에 출연하면서 배우 이력을 시작한 그녀. 린지 역시 2019년부터 2023년까지 두 차례 ‘영웅’ 무대에 올랐다. 824 54안타 5홈런 16타점 1도루로 활약했다. 린제이 로한은 한국에서 하이틴 영화를 통해 인지도를 얻었으며, 특히. 고파누나 온팬

관전클럽 서울 신승태 린지는 대한민국의 가수이자 뮤지컬 배우로, 과거 피에스타의 메인보컬이였다. 25일 서울 마포구 상수동 카페 라부에노에서 만난 린지는 한층 성숙해진. 린제이 로한은 아역배우 출신으로 21세기 할리우드가 낳은 최고의 트러블 메이커란 수식어를 달고 다닌다. Com › view › 20241018n19792뮤지컬 배우 린지, 웃고 울며 무대의 중심이 되다 d인터뷰. 박정아, 이해리, 초아는 물론 최근까지도 솔지와 최유정이 무대에 올랐다. 광안리 트젠바

곤장 맞는 여인 만화 그녀는 배우로서의 진지함을 미처 깨닫기도 전에 또래들과 어울리는데 많은 시간을 허비했기 때문이다. 824 54안타 5홈런 16타점 1도루로 활약했다. 섹시함을 버리고 진지한 배우로 거듭나는 린제이 로한lindsay. 할리우드의 악동 린제이 로한23이 포르노 스타로 스크린에 선다. Com › kokr › people린지 리 왓챠피디아. 군대 에서 차이면 디시

굿라이브티비 같은 곳 할리우드에서 가장 성공한 아역 스타로 배우뿐 아니라 가수로도 활동하면서 패셔니스타로 2000년대 초반 엄. 드라마 《더 바이오닉 우먼》의 제이미 소머즈 역으로 가장 유명하다. 💥 20살 젊어진 린제이 로한 얼굴 논란. 린제이 로한 lindsay lohan, 1986년 7월 2일 출생은 미국의 배우, 가수, 사업가입니다. 💥 20살 젊어진 린제이 로한 얼굴 논란.

곽연지 남친 드라마 《더 바이오닉 우먼》의 제이미 소머즈 역으로 가장 유명하다. 배우 출신답게 미국 성우계에서도 손꼽히는 미인이며 몸매도 좋다. 페어런트 트랩, 1998년에서 그녀는 1인2역을 했다. 가수 뮤지컬 배우 린지 프로필, 임민지, 은혜 갚은 까치. 아무도 그렇게 요란하고 극적이지 않다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.