Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

体外からポルチオをマッサージすること。 この項目はr18に該当する内容が含まれます。概要体外式ポルチオや子宮マッサージとも。子宮口付近の性感帯であるポルチオを、体外からマッサージする愛撫・プレイのこと。おへその少し下に触れたり、撫でたり、ツボ押しの要領で押したり. Comポルチオ search xvideos. Weblio 辞書 辞書・百科事典 デジタル大辞泉 ぽるちお の意味・解説 デジタル大辞泉 索引トップ 用語の索引 ランキング 凡例. Org › wiki › ポルチオポルチオ wikipedia.

Ahoo インスタライブ 無料

Ahoo Fc2

体外式ポルチオ（腹イキ）とは、体の外から刺激を与えてオーガズムに達する方法です。 お腹の上から「ポルチオ」という性感帯を押すだけで絶頂を迎えられる.. Weblio 辞書 辞書・百科事典 デジタル大辞泉 ぽるちお の意味・解説 デジタル大辞泉 索引トップ 用語の索引 ランキング 凡例.. ポルチオとは？ shorts ポルチオ 子宮腟部 中イキ..

5ch 주소

ポルチオとは？ shorts ポルチオ 子宮腟部 中イキ, ポルチオとは？ ポルチオをご存知ですか。 ポルチオとは子宮腟部であること、ポルチオの場所、ポルチオでの快感とgスポットとの違い、yonicareによるポルチオへのled照射など、ポルチオについて産婦人科専門医の丹羽咲江医師が詳しく解説しています。, Org › wiki › ポルチオポルチオ wikipedia. 元神先生： ポルチオっていうのはポルティオー・ウァギナーリスっていう略語で、子宮頸部の一部とかそういう意味なんですよ。 子宮っていうのは子宮体部と子宮頸部に分かれてまして、女性の骨盤を横から見たところなんですけれども、これ全部膣です。, ポルチオって何？ どこにあるの？ ポルチオは、医学的には 「子宮腟部（しきゅうちつぶ）」 と言われる場所です（図の赤丸の部分）。 子宮の最も下のほうにあり、腟内に露出した部分を言います。. ポルチオ とは、 子宮頸部 のうちで 膣 （ヴァギナ）に突出した部位の名称である。ポルチオ性感帯とも呼ばれる。 12 ラテン語 ではportio vaginalis uteri（ポルティオー・ウァギナーリス・ウテリー）と呼び、この語群の初めの単語をとって「ポルチオ」と言うことが一部の間で定着している.

@nar1n_2 Leaks

「ポルチオオナニー」とは、女性の性感帯の1つであるポルチオを刺激することで快感を得るオナニー方法です。 ポルチオで得られる快感は他の部位よりも大きいと言われ, ポルチオの触れ方とは？ よくある男性向けのavなどでは、膣の中に指を入れて激しく刺激する描写がありますが、そのような触れ方を真似するのは とても危険 です。 理想的な触り方は、ポルチオを見つけたら指の腹の部分で優しく押したり、軽くトントンと刺激してみたり、 優しく撫でる, Asia是免费日语在线词典翻译网站，提供 日语 ポルチオ的中文翻译，日语 ポルチオ是什么意思，ポルチオ的音标与发音，ポルチオ的含义及用法，以及ポルチオ的参考例句，日文 ポルチオ是什么意思，解析ポルチオ的含义。.

@sotwe

ポルチオ刺激するために求められるペニスの長さ 橘：あくまでもペニスでポルチオを刺激するのが一番良いというお話があったと思うんですけど、ポルチオ刺激するために求められるペニスの長さっていうのは大体何センチとかあるんですか？. Jp › sex › portioポルチオとは？位置や開発方法、ポルチオセックスのやり方 夜の保健. Com › contents › researchポルチオとは？ 開発するとセックスが気持ちいい？ 医師監修 ｜ iro.

ahegao korea Comで、ポルチオ エロ動画を無料で視聴しよう。高品質の 最も関連性の高い xxx動画とクリップのコレクションは、続々追加中。pornhubほど人気で、ポルチオ. Org › wiki › ポルチオポルチオ wikipedia. 未開発で感じられないだけの可能性も十分あるので、まずはgスポットバイブなどを使って気持ちよく感じられる場所を探してみるのがいいでしょう。 オーガズムの種類（3）ポルチオによる「奥イキ」 ポルチオは、子宮口付近にある性感帯です。. Jp › sex › portioポルチオとは？位置や開発方法、ポルチオセックスのやり方 夜の保健. Com › porutio連続オーガズム必達！ポルチオの探し方と開発方法・注意点を徹底解説&boxv. aespa deepfake porn

ai 그라비아 Jp › article › 22022230ポルチオとは？ 刺激で中イキするって本当？ 医師が教える正しい知識. Comで、ポルチオ エロ動画を無料で視聴しよう。高品質の 最も関連性の高い xxx動画とクリップのコレクションは、続々追加中。pornhubほど人気で、ポルチオ. Asia是免费日语在线词典翻译网站，提供 日语 ポルチオ的中文翻译，日语 ポルチオ是什么意思，ポルチオ的音标与发音，ポルチオ的含义及用法，以及ポルチオ的参考例句，日文 ポルチオ是什么意思，解析ポルチオ的含义。. ポルチオ（ボルチオ）とは、場所は膣の奥、子宮口にある性感帯です。 この膣内にあるポルチオ性感帯を開発すると、クリトリスやgスポットとは違った感覚で、連続でイクこともできます。. Jpbrand セクシャルヘルスケア「ラブコスメ」の想い s. @serena likey

ai jav Com › contents › researchポルチオとは？ 開発するとセックスが気持ちいい？ 医師監修 ｜ iro. Jp › sex › portioポルチオとは？位置や開発方法、ポルチオセックスのやり方 夜の保健. 女性器の子宮下方の膣に突出している部分の名称。 「子宮膣部」ともいう。 すべての見出しを開く. Com › porutio連続オーガズム必達！ポルチオの探し方と開発方法・注意点を徹底解説&boxv. ポルチオってどこにあるの？場所や開発するメリットについて解説 ポルチオは、女性の性感帯の中でも特に感じやすいポイントとされますが、具体的にどこを刺激すれば気持ちよくなれるのか分からない方も多いかもしれません。 位置としては、ちつのさらに奥に存在する性感帯で、男性 器の. 5.sektoon.me

99 일 아이들 사진 Jpbrand セクシャルヘルスケア「ラブコスメ」の想い s. 女性器の子宮下方の膣に突出している部分の名称。 「子宮膣部」ともいう。 すべての見出しを開く. ポルチオ刺激するために求められるペニスの長さ 橘：あくまでもペニスでポルチオを刺激するのが一番良いというお話があったと思うんですけど、ポルチオ刺激するために求められるペニスの長さっていうのは大体何センチとかあるんですか？. ポルチオ ポルチオとは、子宮頸部のうちで膣（ウァギナ）に突出した部位（子宮膣部）のこと。 ラテン語ではportio vaginalis. Pornhubほど人気で、ポルチオ シーンを豊富に取り揃えたセックス動画サイトは他にありません！ お持ちのデバイスで、pornhubが厳選したhd画質のエロ動画セレクションをお楽しみください。.

@2bacol 元神先生： ポルチオっていうのはポルティオー・ウァギナーリスっていう略語で、子宮頸部の一部とかそういう意味なんですよ。 子宮っていうのは子宮体部と子宮頸部に分かれてまして、女性の骨盤を横から見たところなんですけれども、これ全部膣です。. Jp › sex › portioポルチオとは？位置や開発方法、ポルチオセックスのやり方 夜の保健. Be9omsvkn66do ポルチオっていう言葉を聞いたことがありますか？ ポルチオは、医学的には子宮膣部といわれる場所で. ポルチオとは？ 刺激で中イキするって本当？ 医師が教える. ポルチオとは、gスポットのさらに奥にある子宮口近辺の女性の性感帯の1つです。 女性の性感帯の中で最も感じる場所と言われており、膣の深いところで絶頂.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.