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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

여배우는 오늘도를 보기 전까진 문소리 배우가 여성으로서 목소리를 내고 있는지 전혀 알지 못했다. 그녀의 솔직한 이야기 무비&컬쳐 레드카펫 10회 ch. 이날 100회를 맞이한 집사부일체에는 한국 영화 100주년을 기념해 그에 걸맞은 대한민국 대표 영화인 부부로 배우 문소리♥장준환 감독 부부가. Org › person › 83122문소리 — the movie database tmdb.

영화 나탈리의 베드신을 편집한 동영상이 일명 문소리 동영상으로 불법 유포돼 논란이 되고 있다.

이경규도 딸 방송출연 보기 힘들다 공감더팩트 문병곤 기자 예능 한끼줍쇼에서 배우 문소리 부모님의 집이 깜짝 공개됐다.

문소리, 영화보지 않고 올린 악플로 많은 상처. 소리가 얼마나 애교가 많은데요 라고 했다, 아래 글에는 줄거리 및 결말 없습니다. 신혼인 정호철은 낮에는 굉장히 맞춰주고 져준다.

영화로 풀어본 아동권리올해 신작 등 30편 빼곡. 근데 사람들이 그걸 얼마나 확대를 해봤나 모른다, 엄마가 쳐다도 보지 않고 농담도 이랬었다며 귀여운 성격인 남편한테 긍정적인 영향을 받았다고 설명했다, 최근 sns 상에서는 배우 문소리이성재, 금방 삭제될 것 같으니 빨리 보세요.

김희애, 문소리 주연 넷플릭스 드라마 퀸메이커 그란 이야기.

위에 등장한 영화 속 남성이 제목을 기억해내지 못했던 영화, 오아시스를 촬영할 당시에도 문소리 배우는 분명한 목소리를 냈다. 문소리, 영화보지 않고 올린 악플로 많은 상처. 최근 sns상에서는 배우 문소리이성재, 금방 삭제될 것 같으니 빨리보세요.

여배우는 오늘도를 보기 전까진 문소리 배우가 여성으로서 목소리를 내고 있는지 전혀 알지 못했다. 일부 네티즌들은 아직 해당 동영상을 보지 못했다며 어디서 구할 수 있냐는 질문을 남기기도 했다. 영화 박하사탕 오아시스 등을 통해 오염되지 않은 순수한 모습을 보여준 문소리가 이웃집 고등학생과 바람난 유부녀로 변신했다.

신혼인 정호철은 낮에는 굉장히 맞춰주고 져준다.. Com › view › 1155756346219금 문소리 레전드.. 인용 및 명언 quotes 저는 배우로서 한 사람의 삶을 보고 사회를 보고 싶습니다.. 문소리 베드신 포르노 영상을 감상하세요..

문소리, 영화보지 않고 올린 악플로 많은 상처.

Moon sori 문소리, is a south korean actress. 안정감과 에너지로 머리끝까지 충전된 문소리 는 1년간 떠났던 촬영현장으로 돌아가고 싶어 조만간 몸살이 날 태세였다. Aaa 문소리, 피날레 워킹 폭싹 멋졌수다 문소리 moonsori aaa aaa2025 스타뉴스 스타뉴스코리아 starnews starnewskorea starnewskorea 1주 전 129. 김태리, 류준열, 문소리, 진기주 출연, 남들이 보기엔 뻔뻔하지만 자신은 마음속에 강한 줏대를 가지고 있다고 할까요, 지난 27일 오후 방송된 jtbc 예능 한끼줍쇼에서는 경기도 화성시 동탄2신도시를 찾은 이경규.

한 번의 관계로 신지운의 아기를 임신한다. 등장인물 편집 은호정 문소리 전직 무용수, 그러면서 자신도 옆집 고등학생과 즐기죠. She is best known for her acclaimed leading roles in oasis 2002 and a good lawyers wife, 이날 100회를 맞이한 집사부일체에는 한국 영화 100주년을 기념해 그에 걸맞은 대한민국 대표 영화인 부부로 배우 문소리♥장준환 감독 부부가. 여 배우는 오늘도 문소리 감독 각본 주연한 영화.

사네미 겐야 엄마가 쳐다도 보지 않고 농담도 이랬었다며 귀여운 성격인 남편한테 긍정적인 영향을 받았다고 설명했다. 이는 주창근이 실향민이자 이데올로기의 희생자이며 이산가족 이라는 설정이 붙은 것과 관계가 있다. 특히 배우 이제훈, 조진웅, 김태훈, 곽도원, 문소리 등 대표 연기파 배우들이 한 자리에 모였다는 사실 만으로도 개봉 전부터 영화 팬들에게 큰 관심을 받고 있다. 특히 배우 이제훈, 조진웅, 김태훈, 곽도원, 문소리 등 대표 연기파 배우들이 한 자리에 모였다는 사실 만으로도 개봉 전부터 영화 팬들에게 큰 관심을 받고 있다. 2002년 직접 작성한 글에서 발췌해보자면, 연출부 회의에 참석하던 나는 ‘공주’가 자신을 강간하려 했던 ‘종두’와 사랑에. 사세보 패션헬스

뽀모 asmr 얼굴 소리가 얼마나 애교가 많은데요 라고 했다. 26일 오후 전파를 탄 sbs 한밤의 tv연예에서는 영화 나탈리의 일부분이 악의적으로 편집돼 유포된 일명 문소리 동영상 사건에 관한 내용이 소개. 여 배우는 오늘도 문소리 감독 각본 주연한 영화. 일부 네티즌들은 아직 해당 동영상을 보지 못했다며 어디서 구할 수 있냐는 질문을 남기기도 했다. Org › person › 83122문소리 — the movie database tmdb. 블루메딕

비글커플 pding 그러면서 자신도 옆집 고등학생과 즐기죠. ㅎ 오늘 포스팅에서는 넷플릭스 드라마 퀸메이커. 이옥섭 감독, 배우 이주영구교환문소리, 내가. 영화 우리 생애 최고의 순간에 출연하는 김정은, 김지영, 문소리가 15일 오후 태릉선수촌에서 핸드볼 홍. 2008년 우리나라에 처음 도입된 국민참여재판의 실제 사건을 재구성한 작품인데요. 비너스tv 무료 보기

블루미 ai 후기 그동안 출연했던 영화에서 보지 못했던 그녀의 진짜 매력을 이 영화를 통해서 볼 수 있었으니까 말이에요. 요망진 애순과 팔불출 관식이 펼치는 감성 로맨스, 기대하지 read more. ㅎ 오늘 포스팅에서는 넷플릭스 드라마 퀸메이커. 소리가 얼마나 애교가 많은데요 라고 했다. 영화로 풀어본 아동권리올해 신작 등 30편 빼곡.

빵땅콩 빨간약 디시 11월 셋째 주 아동권리 주간과 19일 아동학대예방의 날을 맞아 아동권리를 생각해 보는 영화제가 열린다. ㅎ 오늘 포스팅에서는 넷플릭스 드라마 퀸메이커. Com › reel › 295470762952630옆집 아줌마와의 현장이 발각됐다 바람난가족 봉태규 문소리. 배심원들 문소리 더 과감한 활동 펼치고 싶다 ytn. 위에 등장한 영화 속 남성이 제목을 기억해내지 못했던.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.