미국 프로야구 메이저리그 mlb에서 활약 중인 김하성 28샌디에이고 파드리스이 국내에서 함께 뛰었던 전 야구선수를 공갈 혐의로 경찰에 고소했다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

서울중앙지방법원 민사합의25부 부장판사 송승우는 지난 30일 김하성과 임혜동의 위약벌 청구소송 1심에서 피고 임혜동는 원고 김하성에게 8억원을 지급하라는 판결을 내렸다. Kr › news › society2년간 공갈협박당했다&mldr. 2013년 5월 17일 오전 6시 20분 안산시의 한 아파트 화단에서 아파트 경비. Kr › news › view특례 취소되고 군에 입대할까봐 4억 건네&mldr.

2013년 성남시 분당구 야탑고등학교 야구부 집단 괴롭힘 및.. 2경기에서 9타수 무안타로 침묵한 뒤 8번까지 떨어진 김하성30, 탬파베이 레이스이 멀티히트에 3출루로 부활 기안84 왕따 논란 그..

김하성 측의 주장에 의하면, 김하성이 메이저리그에 진출하기 전 2021년 당시에 후배였던 임혜동과 서울 강남의 한 주점에서 술을 마셨는데 음주 도중 실랑이가 벌여져 몸싸움으로 이어졌고 김하성은 출국 전 합의금 1 을 전달했지만 임혜동이 폭행과 코로나.

Kr › news › view특례 취소되고 군에 입대할까봐 4억 건네&mldr. 올 시즌 메이저리그에서 활약한 김하성 28샌디에이고 파드리스의 뜻하지 않은 소식이 전해졌다, 7일 경찰에 따르면 김하성은 키움 히어로즈에서 한솥밥 먹던 후배 야구선수 a씨를 최근 공갈공갈미수 혐의로 경찰에 고소했다. 샌디에이고 파드리스 김하성29을 공갈협박한 혐의로 재판을 받았던 전 프로야구선수 임혜동28이 김하성에게 8억원을 지급하라는 판결을 받았다. 푸이그 프로야구 키움 포스트시즌 한국시리즈 김하성 이정후 한화 오.

mhn스포츠 박연준 기자 메이저리그 샌디에이고 파드리스 김하성이 후배 야구선수 a씨에게 공갈 협박을 받았다고 주장했다. 미국 프로야구 메이저리그 mlb에서 활약 중인 김하성 28샌디에이고 파드리스이 국내에서 함께 뛰었던 전 야구선수를 공갈 혐의로 경찰에 고소했다, 미국 프로야구 메이저리그 mlb에서 활약 중인 김하성 28샌디에이고 파드리스이 국내에서 함께 뛰었던 전 야구선수를 공갈 혐의로 경찰에 고소했다.

샌디에이고 파드리스 김하성29을 공갈협박한 혐의로 재판을 받았던 전 프로야구선수 임혜동28이 김하성에게 8억원을 지급하라는 판결을 받았다.. Com › newsview › 29yf3jjo6z2년간 수억원 달라며 공갈협박&mldr..

메이저리거 김하성 선수에게 거액을 뜯어낸 혐의를 받는 임혜동 전 야구선수가 지난달 4일 구속영장 심사를 받기 위해 서울중앙지법에 출석하고.

Com › newsview › 29yf3jjo6z2년간 수억원 달라며 공갈협박&mldr, Com › watchkim haseongs close friend held an emergency press youtube, 2경기에서 9타수 무안타로 침묵한 뒤 8번까지 떨어진 김하성30, 탬파베이 레이스이 멀티히트에 3출루로 부활 기안84 왕따 논란 그. Com › national › incident김하성이 상습 폭행 합의금 받아놓고 공갈 진실 공방. 2013년 성남시 분당구 야탑고등학교 야구부 집단 괴롭힘 및.

김하성 측의 주장에 의하면, 김하성이 메이저리그에 진출하기 전 2021년 당시에 후배였던 임혜동과 서울 강남의 한 주점에서 술을 마셨는데 음주 도중 실랑이가 벌여져 몸싸움으로 이어졌고 김하성은 출국 전 합의금 1 을 전달했지만 임혜동이 폭행과 코로나. 서울중앙지방법원 민사합의25부부장판사 송승우는 지난 30일 김하성과 임혜, 술자리 폭행공갈 협박 의혹을 두고 후배 야구선수 임혜동28과 진실 공방을 벌이는 김하성29샌디에이고 파드리스이 오늘9일 경찰에 출석해 두.

미국 프로야구 메이저리그 mlb에서 활약 중인 김하성 28샌디에이고 파드리스이 국내에서 함께 뛰었던 전 야구선수를 공갈 혐의로 경찰에 고소했다, 올 시즌 메이저리그에서 활약한 김하성 28샌디에이고 파드리스의 뜻하지 않은 소식이 전해졌다, 6일 뉴스1, 뉴시스에 따르면 김하성은 최근 공갈 혐의로 서울 강남경찰서에 a씨에 대한 고소장을 제출했다. 김하성 측의 주장에 의하면, 김하성이 메이저리그에 진출하기 전 2021년 당시에 후배였던 임혜동과 서울 강남의 한 주점에서 술을 마셨는데 음주 도중 실랑이가 벌여져 몸싸움으로 이어졌고 김하성은 출국 전 합의금 1 을 전달했지만 임혜동이 폭행과 코로나.

겆줌들은 ㄹㅇ 김하성 야탑고 사건 안터진거에 감사해야지 ㅋㅋ. 티아라 왕따 사건이 12년 만에 재점화되고 있습니다. Net › square › 3385585496더쿠 ‘김하성 공갈협박 혐의 인정됐다’ 前 프로야구선수 임혜동, 미국 프로야구 메이저리그mlb 선수김하성28샌디에이고 파드리스과 그의 후배이자 전직 야구선수 임혜동27이 폭행공갈 협박 의혹을 두고 진실.

메이저리거 김하성 샌디에이고 파드리스29을 협박해 돈을 갈취한 혐의를 받는 전직 프로야구 선수 임혜동 28씨가 합의 위반을 이유로.

김하성의 에이전시 서밋 매니지먼트는 지난 7일 보도된 바와 같이 김하성 선수는 후배 선수로부터 지속적인 공갈, 협박을 당하였는바 이에 대해 고소장을 제출하였고. 김하성의 이름을 영어로 읽은 하성킴도 메이저리그 진출 이후 국내에서는 별명으로 자주 쓰이는데 국내 해설진들도 종종 이렇게 부르기도. 김하성이 무슨 팀내에서 왕따당하던것도아니고, 해외이슈 일본에서 딸 때문에 왕따 당한 외국인 야구 선수, 김하성 몸싸움 수사 본격화 이틀간 4명 참고인 조사 mlb미 프로야구 샌디에이고 파드리스에서 뛰고 있는 김하성28이 후배 임혜동에게 공갈 협박을 당했다며 경찰에 고소장을 접수한 가운데, 경찰이 그의 동료들을 불러 참고인 조사에 나섰다. Kr › article › 25213311김하성 오후에 입장 발표&mldr.

lacy aiko kim 2013년 초, 안산 출신의 야탑고 야구 선수라는 꿈을 가진 1학년 소년 황영하군이 코치를 주도로한 집단 괴롭힘을 견디지 못해 고층 아파트에서 뛰어내려 자살한 사건. 김하성 측은 2021년 당시 상대 선수는 김하성 선수가 군인 신분인 점을 이용하여 김하성 선수를 협박하며 합의금 명목의 돈을 요구했고, 김하성. Com › national › national_general얼굴 공개한 후배 임혜동 김하성이 상습폭행&mldr. 김하성 측의 주장에 의하면, 김하성이 메이저리그에 진출하기 전 2021년 당시에 후배였던 임혜동과 서울 강남의 한 주점에서 술을 마셨는데 음주 도중 실랑이가 벌여져 몸싸움으로 이어졌고 김하성은 출국 전 합의금 1 을 전달했지만 임혜동이 폭행과 코로나. 6일 뉴스1, 뉴시스에 따르면 김하성은 최근 공갈 혐의로 서울 강남경찰서에 a씨에 대한 고소장을 제출했다. kuzu bikini

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.