카다시안 엄마, 트위터에 가슴노출 사고의도적.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

바로 엄마봇 @umma_bot 이야기인데요. 제일 끔찍한 건 엄마의 아이디가 진짜 이름이고, 프로필 사진이 얼굴이라는 거예요. 절박한 마음으로 엄마에게 죽고싶다는 고백까지 했던 아들, 그런 아들의 호소가 자신을 괴롭히는 것으로 생각된다는 엄마, 사랑하던 모자의 관계는 왜 지옥이 되어버렸을까. 최정수 📍블로그 다락실 달고나 맥시멈미니멀 뷰스타북북엄마 셔니공주 태양의 노래 팥방미인 ien 📍인스타그램 sweetsour127 luvduguni warmcolor7 📍트위터 단공주 핑크블링태태 ⠀ ※유의사항※ 9월 29일 일까지 개인정보를 보내지 않을 시 당첨이.

제주도에 홀로 남겨져 해녀로 살아가던 수자는 어느 날 일본에서 엄마 연심이 위독하다는 편지를 받게 된다.

유머 딸의 스마트폰 사용 엄마 트위터 올라왔네 전략적요충지 120 86.

이전 트위터 내용 추가이분은 예전에자식을 잃은 아픔을 가지고 계신다.. 정치하는엄마들 공식계정 @mamaspolitical posts 집단모성을 바탕으로 모든 아동과 돌보는 이들의 권리를 옹호하고, 정치경제사회문화적.. 트위터 프로필 신경 안쓰는데 엄마가 보시고 아주 성화시네.. 본문 기타 기능 10년만에 뵌 엄마 친구분이 이렇게 됐구나 2015년 03월 27일 트위터에 nam🍅이라는 이용자가 작성한 글이다..

절박한 마음으로 엄마에게 죽고싶다는 고백까지 했던 아들, 그런 아들의 호소가 자신을 괴롭히는 것으로 생각된다는 엄마, 사랑하던 모자의 관계는 왜 지옥이 되어버렸을까.

본문 기타 기능 10년만에 뵌 엄마 친구분이 이렇게 됐구나 2015년 03월 27일 트위터에 nam🍅이라는 이용자가 작성한 글이다. 나중에 엄마가 동생이름 부르니까 동생 벌떡일어나서 큰방가서 울다가 엄마랑 동생이랑 거실로 오는겁니다. Day ago 작성자칵테일 사랑작성시간26.

2025년 트위터 키워드 중 하나는 흑엄마가 차지하지 않을까, 몇 년 전, 끊임없이 금전적인 부탁을 하는 가족들과 절연을 했기 때문이다. 11일 방송된 kbs 2tv 안녕하세요에 출연한 이 모자는 대화가 단절된 채 2년을 보냈다. @gyeongjuennnie 엄마한테 트위터봐봐라고 터프하게 말했어요 키키.

인종차별 제스처 엄마 트위터 공유로 비난 확산.

애틀랜타의 한 음식점에서 사진을 찍던 한인 여성의 뒤로 인종차별적인 제스처를 아이에게 가르치는 듯한 엄마가 포착돼 비난이 확산하고 있다. 인종차별 제스처 엄마 트위터 공유로 비난 확산, 최근 엄마 몰카가 한국사회를 발칵 뒤집어 놓았다. Mama라는 이름으로 운영되고 있는 이 엄마봇은 3일 전에 개설된 신생 트위터입니다.

트위터 프로필 신경 안쓰는데 엄마가 보시고 아주 성화시네 ㅎㅎㅎ 아니 뭐 할말은 많지만 카톡 폭격에 못이겨 바꿈 ㅋㅋㅋ, 트위터 프로필 신경 안쓰는데 엄마가 보시고 아주 성화시네. 엄마의 마지막 모습을 보기 위해 손녀.

입소문을 타고 엄마봇을 따라가는 팔로어가 늘어 지금은 2000명을. 하지만 트위터리안들의 반응을 살펴보면 엄마봇만큼 짠한 감동을 주는 트윗봇이 없다는 평이 주를 이룹니다. @gyeongjuennnie 엄마한테 트위터봐봐라고 터프하게 말했어요 키키, 제일 끔찍한 건 엄마의 아이디가 진짜 이름이고, 프로필 사진이 얼굴이라는 거예요. 트위터는 지금 2년간 엄마와 말 안한 아들, 이유가눈물바다. 윤혜진30씨도 재일동포와 재혼해 4년 전부터 미야기현 구리하라시에 살고 있는 어머니 양남순54씨의 생사를 확인하지 못해 가슴이 타들어 가고 있다.

Com › Community › Board딸의 스마트폰 사용 엄마 트위터 올라왔네.

내 생각에 우리 엄마는 트위터에서 엄청 활발한 트롤 같아, 최근 엄마 몰카가 한국사회를 발칵 뒤집어 놓았다, 제주도에 홀로 남겨져 해녀로 살아가던 수자는 어느 날 일본에서 엄마 연심이 위독하다는 편지를 받게 된다, Com › community › board딸의 스마트폰 사용 엄마 트위터 올라왔네.

백지헌 방귀 Latest posts 엄마랑 딸이랑✨ 우리 닮았나요. Net › subdued20club › raxj솔직히 귀신이야기보다 이런게 더 무서움. 제일 끔찍한 건 엄마의 아이디가 진짜 이름이고, 프로필 사진이 얼굴이라는 거예요. 정치하는엄마들 공식계정 @mamaspolitical posts 집단모성을 바탕으로 모든 아동과 돌보는 이들의 권리를 옹호하고, 정치경제사회문화적. 제주도에 홀로 남겨져 해녀로 살아가던 수자는 어느 날 일본에서 엄마 연심이 위독하다는 편지를 받게 된다. 변녀 야노

보빨 javrank 11일 방송된 kbs 2tv 안녕하세요에 출연한 이 모자는 대화가 단절된 채 2년을 보냈다. Com › mom_n_doutwitter. 트위터 프로필 신경 안쓰는데 엄마가 보시고 아주 성화시네 ㅎㅎㅎ 아니 뭐 할말은 많지만 카톡 폭격에 못이겨 바꿈 ㅋㅋㅋ. 카다시안 엄마, 트위터에 가슴노출 사고의도적. 입소문을 타고 엄마봇을 따라가는 팔로어가 늘어 지금은 2000명을. 보유지 매운맛

브롤 귀칼 콜라보 트위터 프로필 신경 안쓰는데 엄마가 보시고 아주 성화시네. Latest posts 엄마가 쒀준 도토리묵으로 도토리묵무침. 카다시안의 어머니 크리스 제너56는 트위터에 원더우먼 복장을 한 채 유두가 노출된 의상사고 사진을 올렸다고 영국 더선이 26일현지시간 보도했다. 유머 딸의 스마트폰 사용 엄마 트위터 올라왔네 전략적요충지 120 86. 1월 6일 방송된 mbc 부부상담 솔루션 에. 보험팔이 특징 디시

버릇없는 샴 친친 30여 년 전 특유의 어른스러움으로 주위를 놀라게 했던 텔레비전 세대. 입소문을 타고 엄마봇을 따라가는 팔로어가 늘어 지금은 2000명을. 1년동안 열심히 준비한 웹툰 을 런칭하게 되었습니다 기다려주신 모든분들께 늘 사랑하고 언제나 건강하고 행복한. 입소문을 타고 엄마봇을 따라가는 팔로어가 늘어 지금은 2000명을. 25 091135 프로필펼치기 이전 트위터 내용 추가 이분은 예전에 자식을 잃은 아픔을 가지고 계신다.

베라소니 레전드 영상 애틀랜타의 한 음식점에서 사진을 찍던 한인 여성의 뒤로 인종차별적인 제스처를 아이에게 가르치는 듯한 엄마가 포착돼 비난이 확산하고 있다. 제주도에 홀로 남겨져 해녀로 살아가던 수자는 어느 날 일본에서 엄마 연심이 위독하다는 편지를 받게 된다. 입소문을 타고 엄마봇을 따라가는 팔로어가 늘어 지금은 2000 명을 훌쩍 넘겼습니다. @gyeongjuennnie 엄마한테 트위터봐봐라고 터프하게 말. 제주도에 홀로 남겨져 해녀로 살아가던 수자는 어느 날 일본에서 엄마 연심이 위독하다는 편지를 받게 된다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.