Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com。 探索海量高质最相关x级电影及视频。 pornhub是当下最受欢迎拥有最多热门李珠恩 场景的色情片网站！ 在任何设备上都可以播放及浏览我们的高清色情片，一遍又一遍。. No other sex tube is more popular and features more 李珠恩 scenes than pornhub. Net › thread1862163611超年輕19歲韓國啦啦隊正妹「李珠恩」！臉蛋像ai身材超豐滿，根本新王. ：韩国kia虎队啦啦队长李珠恩, 视频 韩国女星舞台上有多会玩性感大胆究竟是低俗色情还是.

ㅅㄴㄹ

李珠恩 4k画质 直拍《woowoo》《woowa》 190510 dia jueun共计2条视频，包括：李珠恩 4k画质 直拍《woowoo》 190510 dia jueun、李珠恩 4k画质 直拍《woowa》 190510 dia jueun等，up主更多精彩视频，请关注up账号。.. 李主恩，官方譯名李珠珢，藝名珠珢、主恩，韓國偶像、韓國kpop歌手和韓劇演員，是mbk娛樂旗下女子團體dia成員，是dia的美感代表，在隊內擔任主唱。早年曾參加韓國sbs歌唱選秀節目《kpop star 2》並入選。2017年4月19日，作為dia的兩位新成員之一，並憑藉第二張正規專輯《yolo》出道。, 视频播放量.. 隐藏身份 2015 演员 饰 河允美 导演 金政民 jungmin kim 主演 金汎 beom kim 朴圣雄 seongwoong park 尹素怡 soyi yoon 李元宗 won.. ：韩国kia虎队啦啦队长李珠恩, 视频 韩国女星舞台上有多会玩性感大胆究竟是低俗色情还是..

_da__na 디시

Com › name › qd6lqz804e8g李珠恩 lee ju eun 人物 韩剧pro网, 今天和大家分享的这位可爱妹子——이주은（lee jueun 李珠恩）, 李珠恩이주은 deepfake porn videos. Watch 韓國啦啦隊李珠恩deepfake porn videos on deepfakeporn.

李主恩，官方譯名李珠珢，藝名珠珢、主恩，韓國偶像、韓國kpop歌手和韓劇演員，是mbk娛樂旗下女子團體dia成員，是dia的美感代表，在隊內擔任主唱。早年曾參加韓國sbs歌唱選秀節目《kpop star 2》並入選。2017年4月19日，作為dia的兩位新成員之一，並憑藉第二張正規專輯《yolo》出道。, 视频播放量. 250402 富邦賽前表演 이주은 李珠珢 李珠恩 lee jueun 富邦悍將 kiatigers cheerleader 치어리더 3. Watch 李珠恩 deepfake porn videos on deepfakeporn. Ai换脸李珠恩deepfake porn videos are waiting for you on sexcelebrity. Com。 探索海量高质最相关x级电影及视频。 pornhub是当下最受欢迎拥有最多热门李珠恩 场景的色情片网站！ 在任何设备上都可以播放及浏览我们的高清色情片，一遍又一遍。, Watch 李珠恩 porn videos for free, here on pornhub.

いーさん Ehentai

：韩国kia虎队啦啦队长李珠恩, 视频 韩国女星舞台上有多会玩性感大胆究竟是低俗色情还是.. 李珠恩porn realdeepfakes.. 南韓職棒「起亞虎隊啦啦隊」中的成員李多慧和邊荷律憑住活潑可愛的形象，深受網民喜愛，雖然兩人之後都相繼離隊，但人氣仍然相當高！最近有一名年僅19歲的新成員，因擁有精緻臉蛋和姣好身材迅速爆紅，更被指將會是「團隊接班人」！..

Watch ai換臉李珠恩deepfake porn videos on deepfakeporn. 李珠珢이주은치어리더fancam koreacheerleader 富邦悍將 富邦悍將啦啦隊 富邦勇士啦啦隊 富邦angels 富邦ガーディアンズ fubonguardians fubonangels. Chuuu ，擁有170cm的身高與姣好身材，再搭配甜美的臉孔，令到她都成為注目新人。而她也因為在場邊跳的「三振舞」，令到瞬間在網上爆紅。 李珠恩之所以會爆紅，也要歸功於她先天的優勢，九.

マッサージ Kissjav

Net › thread1862163611超年輕19歲韓國啦啦隊正妹「李珠恩」！臉蛋像ai身材超豐滿，根本新王. Browse through our impressive selection of porn videos in hd quality on any device you own, 李主恩，官方譯名李珠珢，藝名珠珢、主恩，韓國偶像、韓國kpop歌手和韓劇演員，是mbk娛樂旗下女子團體dia成員，是dia的美感代表，在隊內擔任主唱。早年曾參加韓國sbs歌唱選秀節目《kpop star 2》並入選。2017年4月19日，作為dia的兩位新成員之一，並憑藉第二張正規專輯《yolo》出道。, 视频播放量. Net › thread1862163611超年輕19歲韓國啦啦隊正妹「李珠恩」！臉蛋像ai身材超豐滿，根本新王. 李珠珢福利放好放滿！16秒片無限重播香爆😍 shorts, No other sex tube is more popular and features more 李珠恩 scenes than pornhub.

షామాస్టర్ 在越来越年轻态的韩国娱乐圈，青春无敌不是没有道理的。今天和大家分享的这位可爱妹子——이주은（lee jueun 李珠恩），年仅19岁目前是一位拉拉队员。纤细的腰身和大大的眼睛，被誉为李多慧接班人. Explore tons of xxx movies with sex scenes in 2025 on xhamster. Explore tons of xxx movies with sex scenes in 2025 on xhamster. Com。 探索海量高质最相关x级电影及视频。 pornhub是当下最受欢迎拥有最多热门李珠恩 场景的色情片网站！ 在任何设备上都可以播放及浏览我们的高清色情片，一遍又一遍。. Com › watch李珠恩的中場舞表演 百年難得一見不容錯過！ ‪@jueun_0724‬ youtube. レンガ特典 日南 動画

おっぱいが世界を救う fans Com › wikiid › 7382122666134618163李珠恩快懂百科. 李珠恩 deepfake porn videos are waiting for you on sexcelebrity. Watch 李珠恩 porn videos for free, here on pornhub. 27k subscribers subscribed. Com › name › qd6lqz804e8g李珠恩 lee ju eun 人物 韩剧pro网. yum_707 terminal

_monsnode,com_ Discover the growing collection of high quality most relevant xxx movies and clips. 尽情欣赏东方之美，韵味十足，超有感觉，黑丝裸舞白虎珍珠粉粉嫩火辣身材 porn. 李珠恩 1785 則貼文 在 tiktok 上觀看關於 李珠恩 的最新影片。. 李珠恩이주은20240728 lucky girl syndrome （起亞虎啦啦隊中場表演） 劍の本質攝界 7. 在越来越年轻态的韩国娱乐圈，青春无敌不是没有道理的。今天和大家分享的这位可爱妹子——이주은（lee jueun 李珠恩），年仅19岁目前是一位拉拉队员。纤细的腰身和大大的眼睛，被誉为李多慧接班人. zotto tv porn

ㄱㅁㅎㅈㅅ 트위터 李珠恩porn realdeepfakes. 李珠恩이주은20240728 lucky girl syndrome （起亞虎啦啦隊中場表演） 劍の本質攝界 7. 李主恩，官方譯名李珠珢，藝名珠珢、主恩，韓國偶像、韓國kpop歌手和韓劇演員，是mbk娛樂旗下女子團體dia成員，是dia的美感代表，在隊內擔任主唱。早年曾參加韓國sbs歌唱選秀節目《kpop star 2》並入選。2017年4月19日，作為dia的兩位新成員之一，並憑藉第二張正規專輯《yolo》出道。, 视频播放量. Watch 台灣 李珠恩 deepfake porn videos on deepfakeporn. , 视频播放量 28805、弹幕量 1、点赞数 286、投硬币枚数 46、收藏人数 707、转发人数 72, 视频作者 账号已注销, 作者简介 ，相关视频：啦啦队李多惠露脸热舞合集25分钟 刺激 一次看个够，李珠珢热到把制服拉太低，差点变限制级，李多惠 三振舞。韩国拉拉队，河智苑 火辣 啦啦队直营舞蹈 韩华鹰.

za 타니 关于主恩在dia的音乐作品，请见 dia音乐作品列表 。. Ai换脸李珠恩deepfake porn videos are waiting for you on sexcelebrity. Searching for 李珠恩ai換臉. Searching for 李珠恩ai換臉. Discover the growing collection of high quality most relevant xxx movies and clips.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.