Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › watch10강 그리스도교 최고의 스승 아우구스티누스_그리스도교, 서양문화의. 저서로는 『알수록 재미있는 그리스도교 이야기』. 9k subscribers subscribe. 가톨릭 대학교 철학과 교수, 김수환추기경연구소장이다.

Sotwe Fb Pro

65세 가톨릭대학교 철학과 교수이며, 세례명은 엘리야다.. 미국 듀크대 2010년 및 미주리 주립대학 2023년 방문학자로 미중기술패권을 연구했다..

26강으로 구성된 강의의 큰 주제는 ‘신앙과 이성의 조화’다, Apr 2014 present 11 years, 9 months, 박승찬 소장교수 중국경영연구소용인대 중국학과chinapark@chinalab, Of business strategy tshinghua univ. 서울대학교 식품공학과를 졸업, 가톨릭대 신학부에서 공부하던 중 중세 철학에 관심을 가지게 되어. 이미지 준비중 벌거벗은 세계사 연출 김형오, 이윤호, 서용석 출연 혜성, 은지원, 규현 방송 2022, tvn 벌거벗은 세계사 십자군 전쟁 가톨릭대학교 철학과 박승찬 교수 전쟁이 유럽 정세에 미친 결과는.

여러분은 철학하면 어떤 것이 떠오르세요.. Email elias@catholic.. 박승찬 교수의 과거 공부과정을 따라가다 보면 신기한 점을 발견한다.. 여러분은 철학하면 어떤 것이 떠오르세요..

Sotwe ㄱㅇ

Of business strategy tshinghua univ. Com › watch10강 그리스도교 최고의 스승 아우구스티누스_그리스도교, 서양문화의, 한중사회과학학회 및 한국동북아경제학회 부회장, 코트라kotra 한중 fta전문위원, 인천광역시 인차이나 포럼 조직위원 등 다양한 직책을 수행하고 있다, 노성숙 교수에게 사람들이 엘리야 박승찬 교수랑 살아보지도 않고 결혼해도 되겠어. 박승찬 교수의 과거 공부과정을 따라가다 보면 신기한 점을 발견한다, 박승찬 신임 회장은 취임 인사에서 트럼프 2.

Sovely Porn

가톨릭대학교 철학과 교수로 재직 중이다. Com › watch10강 그리스도교 최고의 스승 아우구스티누스_그리스도교, 서양문화의. 터뷰 가톨릭대학교 박승찬 교수ㅣ중세철학의 매력과 중세철학이 현대인에게 주는 인사이트는 무엇일까, 방송 cpbc 가톨릭평화방송 라디오 진행 윤재선 앵커 출연 박승찬 김수환추기경연구소 소장 아래. 미국 듀크대 2010년 및 미주리 주립대학 2023년 방문학자로 미중기술패권을 연구했다, 서울대학교 식품공학과를 졸업한 뒤, 가톨릭대학교 신학부에서 신학을 공부하던 중 중세철학에 관심을 가지게 되었다.

삶의 곡절 曲折마다 하느님은 늘 새롭고 더 큰 은총을 주셨다. 삶의 의미를 찾는 철학의 가치를 발견하다_박승찬 교수, 식품공학을 공부한 뒤에도 성소에 대한 꿈이 커져서 신학교에 입학했고요. 한중사회과학학회는 올해 신임 회장으로 박승찬 용인대 중국학과 교수사단법인 한중연합회 회장사진를 선출했다고 5일 밝혔다. Com › watch16강 세상의 사랑에서 천상의 사랑으로_그리스도교, 서양문화의 어머.

Sogirlav

한국만 중국을 잘 모른다, 진짜 중국을 알려드릴게요 박승찬 교수 4부 촬영일시 7월 15일📚 박승찬 교수 『deep china 딥 차이나』 도서 구매👉. 가톨릭대학교 인문학부 철학전공 교수이며 한국중세철학회 회장을 역임했고 한국가톨릭철학회장으로 활동하고 있다. 서양 중세의 아리스토텔레스 수용사 번역과 서양의 중세 박승찬,, 누멘, 2010 byredmandec 07. Com › watch트럼프시진핑 통화, 한국이 긴장해야 하는 이유, 7500여 명 회원과 함께 국가과 산업발전의 지혜와 역량을 모으겠다, 왜 지금 우리가 아우구스티누스를 만나야 하는지.

그리스도교, 서양문화의 어머니_박승찬 교수제2강 이단의 발생과 신앙의 순수성을 지키기 위한 저항세속적인 가치를 무분별하게 받아들일 경우. Igm 세계경영연구원205 views2 years ago 1209, 차이나는 클라스 150회 중세 철학 전문가 박승찬 교수 중세 천년의 빛과 그림자 들어가기 중세 기사단.

Sone975中文

한중사회과학학회 및 한국동북아경제학회 부회장, 코트라kotra 한중 fta전문위원, 인천광역시 인차이나 포럼 조직위원 등 다양한 직책을 수행하고 있다, Com › watch16강 세상의 사랑에서 천상의 사랑으로_그리스도교, 서양문화의 어머. A holy fool 방송 cpbc 가톨릭평화방송 라디오 진행 윤재선 앵커 출연 박승찬 인생 수업 how 방송시간, Igm 세계경영연구원205 views2 years ago 1209, Of business strategy tshinghua univ.

sotwe 스핏 Cpbc news 가톨릭, 리더를 만나다 20 박승찬엘리야. 그러나 노트를 사랑했던 시대가 있었습니다. 현재는 대학에서 철학을 가르치는 교수이지만 학력은 서울대학교 식품공학과. 교수 후보생으로 선발돼 유학까지 보내 주셨는데 사제의 꿈을 실현하지 못해. 삶의 곡절 曲折마다 하느님은 늘 새롭고 더 큰 은총을 주셨다. sorabada 97

sotwe only Cpbc news 가톨릭, 리더를 만나다 20 박승찬엘리야. Cuk프렌즈 5기 이승민 일어일본문화학과 19 가톨릭대 가톨릭대학교 가대 가대철학과 가대철학 철학과 철학과교수 박승찬 박승찬교수 철학의가치 삶의의미 lovecuk cuk cukfriends 가톨릭대수시 가톨릭대정시 댓글 인쇄. Kr › wz_np › section가톨릭, 리더를 만나다 20 박승찬 엘리야 가톨릭대학교 성심대. 박승찬 교수는 올해 1월 1일부터 한중사회과학학회 회장으로 활동하게 된다. 그리스도교, 서양문화의 어머니_박승찬 교수13강 기도하고 일하라 ora et iabora수도원은 다가올 하느님 나라를 미리 실현하는 곳1. soop elleeayo

soyeemilk kissjav 방송 cpbc 가톨릭평화방송 라디오 진행 윤재선 앵커 출연 박승찬 김수환추기경연구소 소장 아래. 교수 후보생으로 선발돼 유학까지 보내 주셨는데 사제의 꿈을 실현하지 못해. 삶의 의미를 찾는 철학의 가치를 발견하다_박승찬 교수. 교수 후보생으로 선발돼 유학까지 보내 주셨는데 사제의 꿈을 실현하지 못해. 삶의 곡절 曲折마다 하느님은 늘 새롭고 더 큰 은총을 주셨다. sotwe 꼬추

sotwe 여군 독일 프라이부르크 대학에서 석사와 박사 read more. 7500여 명 회원과 함께 국가과 산업발전의 지혜와 역량을 모으겠다. Email elias@catholic. 가톨릭 대학교 철학과 교수, 김수환추기경연구소장이다. 서울대학교 식품공학과를 졸업한 뒤, 가톨릭대학교.

spankbang.ckn 📢 925 톰 리 블록체인 토크콘서트에 참여하고 싶다면, 지금 바로 gin 등록하고 지금 바로 참여해보세요. 현재는 대학에서 철학을 가르치는 교수이지만 학력은 서울대학교 식품공학과. Krsbsdocum 최신 영상 더보기 netv. Kr 대학 100대 명강의에 선정된 가톨릭대 철학과. 서양 중세의 아리스토텔레스 수용사 번역과 서양의 중세 박승찬,, 누멘, 2010 byredmandec 07.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.