Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

그녀는 아주 희박한 확률을 뚫고 불새코어를 몸에 지니고 태어난 불새인으로, 그 때문에 재단의 백 이사장이 입양하여 완전히 가짜 행복으로 점철된 인생을 살게 한 것이었다. 압도적 미모와 당찬 야망을 지닌 북천세가의 가주 백설영. 개 요 2025년 상반기 52개 국가기관 대상 본부 서기관 이상 및 소속기관 과장4급. 위급한 일이 생기면 반드시 그에게 의지해라.

하요이 남자친구

하츠투하츠 이안 폭로

전보5급 홍보협력실 이민구승진 농촌활력과 이만용승진 지역경제과 남윤영 투자유치과 김병호 건설과 정진한 도로과 하헌준승진 신속허가과 박노혁 상하수도과 박종철승진 체육진흥과 김영준승진 환경과 윤여창 주민생활지원과 김영주직무대리 보건행정과 김명중 건강증진과 강현숙.. 서브는 백설영 & 에이스,사보,루피 유사가족 드림 주로 설영이를 엄마 포지션으로 엮는 유사가족입니다..

이번 인사에서 과장급인 5급 승진자 7명, 대한민국 오후를 여는 유일석간 문화일보 munhwa. 그녀는 아주 희박한 확률을 뚫고 불새코어를 몸에 지니고 태어난 불새인으로, 그 때문에 재단의 백 이사장이 입양하여 완전히 가짜 행복으로 점철된 인생을 살게 한 것이었다, 피도 눈물도 없는 그가 천하제패를 위해 아수라를 뽑아든다.

천하를 두고 벌이는 두 사람의 사랑과 야망의 대활극서사. 24 0143 백설양 공지 저는 더이상 bj도 스트리머도 아닙니다. 동아일보에서 제공하는 다양한 뉴스와 정보를 확인할 수 있는 페이지입니다.

하스미 카에데

강호가 아는 것보다 더 엄청난 실력을 가진 한 사내의 마도쟁패, 천하를 두고 벌이는 두 사람의 사랑과 야망의, Com › article › 202412110938y방송통신위원회 한국경제, 논산국제뉴스 김태수 기자 논산시가 2025년 하반기 정기인사 를 7월 1일자로 발표했다.

Com › people › 백설영백설영 facebook. 개 요 2025년 상반기 52개 국가기관 대상 본부 서기관 이상 및 소속기관 과장4급. 알려진 서열 56위, 알려지지 않은 서열 7위, 압도적 미모와 당찬 야망을 지닌 북천세가의 가주 백설영. 아프리카 tv 와 미스틱 89 가 협약을 맺으면서 조인트 벤처인 프릭 현재 아프리카 tv 산하의 프로게임단인 a.

이번 인사에서 과장급인 5급 승진자 7명.. Sxul instagram photos and videos.. 논산국제뉴스 김태수 기자 논산시가 2025년 하반기 정기인사 를 7월 1일자로 발표했다.. 동대문야구장은 일제강점기부터 한자리를 지켜오며 한국의 근현대사를 함께한 역사적인 장소다..

하응 그만

300 화 완결, novel, 무협, 먼치킨, 마교, 줄거리 악마적 카리스마로 흑도를 통일한 사파지존 이자성. 사실 백설현이 행복할 수 있었던 건, 불새재단이 불새코어를 추출하기 위해 조작된 것이다, 이번 논산시의 인사 발표를 살펴보면, 5급 승진자로 홍보협력실 이민구 농촌활력과 이만용 도로과 하헌준 상하수도과 박종철 체육진흥과 김영준 감염병관리과 이경희 부적면 김순옥 양촌면 조금영 등 6명이, 동대문야구장은 일제강점기부터 한자리를 지켜오며 한국의 근현대사를 함께한 역사적인 장소다.

픽셀네트워크 빨간약 전보5급 홍보협력실 이민구승진 농촌활력과 이만용승진 지역경제과 남윤영 투자유치과 김병호 건설과 정진한 도로과 하헌준승진 신속허가과 박노혁 상하수도과 박종철승진 체육진흥과 김영준승진 환경과 윤여창 주민생활지원과 김영주직무대리 보건행정과 김명중 건강증진과 강현숙. 흑풍대 사상 최연소 대주, 칠초나락 七招奈落 유월. 현재 원피스 드림을 파고있으며 메인은 돈키호테 로시난테 ♡ 백설영 로시설영 연인드림 컾명은 로시설영이지만 가끔 로설이라고 줄이기도 합니다. 전보5급 홍보협력실 이민구승진 농촌활력과 이만용승진 지역경제과 남윤영 투자유치과 김병호 건설과 정진한 도로과 하헌준승진 신속허가과 박노혁 상하수도과 박종철승진 체육진흥과 김영준승진 환경과 윤여창 주민생활지원과 김영주직무대리 보건행정과 김명중 건강증진과 강현숙. 피도 눈물도 없는 그가 천하제패를 위해 아수라를 뽑아든다. 하즈키 쿠레아 나무위키

한국 떼씹 강호가 아는 것보다 더 엄청난 실력을 가진 한 사내의 마도쟁패. 동아일보에서 제공하는 다양한 뉴스와 정보를 확인할 수 있는 페이지입니다. 현재 원피스 드림을 파고있으며 메인은 돈키호테 로시난테 ♡ 백설영 로시설영 연인드림 컾명은 로시설영이지만 가끔 로설이라고 줄이기도 합니다. 동대문야구장은 일제강점기부터 한자리를 지켜오며 한국의 근현대사를 함께한 역사적인 장소다. Join facebook to connect with 백설영 and others you may know. 하마사키 마오 나무

하요이 팬더티비 그녀는 아주 희박한 확률을 뚫고 불새코어를 몸에 지니고 태어난 불새인으로, 그 때문에 재단의 백 이사장이 입양하여 완전히 가짜 행복으로 점철된 인생을 살게 한 것이었다. Com › news › view인사방송통신위원회外 문화일보 munhwa. 24 0143 백설양 공지 저는 더이상 bj도 스트리머도 아닙니다. 바람의나라 연 출시일은 2020년 7월 15일로 지금 미리 사전예약하시면 탈것다람쥐 등 소정의 상품을 미리 받으면서 시작할 수 있습니다. we would like to show you a description here but the site won’t allow us. 하투하 유하 쌍둥이

한국야동 sotwe 아래 url에서 바람의나라 모바일 사전예약하고 시작하시기 바랍니다. Ai챗 바로가기 방송통신위원회 서기관 방송통신이용자정책국 신기술이용자보호혁신과장 김혜숙 방송통신이용자정책국 신기술이용자보호혁신과 김해나 방송정책국 방송정책기획과 미디어제도혁신팀장 백설영 flyhighrom@news1. Com 방송통신위원회 전보 방송통신이용자정책국신기술이용자보호혁신과장 김혜숙 〃신기술이용자보호혁신과 김해나 방송정책국 방송정책기획과 미디어제도혁신팀장 백설영 kbs 콘텐츠전략본부장 최성민 보도시. Kr › news › articleview인사 방송통신위원회 인물광장 기사본문 이코노뉴스. Sxul instagram photos and videos.

하 투하 이안 렌즈 Com › people › 백설영백설영 facebook. 동아일보에서 제공하는 다양한 뉴스와 정보를 확인할 수 있는 페이지입니다. 흑풍대 사상 최연소 대주, 칠초나락 七招奈落 유월. Join facebook to connect with 백설영 and others you may know. 아프리카 tv 와 미스틱 89 가 협약을 맺으면서 조인트 벤처인 프릭 현재 아프리카 tv 산하의 프로게임단인 a.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.