커뮤에서는 다 여기임 실제로 이쪽 들어간 놈년들은 20대 또래기준 상위 3% 안쪽이다 특히1 입직 난이도를 생각하면 20대 중반 남성이 전문직 or 5급 뚫는건 불가능에 가까움 또 이악물고 찾아올 것 같은데 그런 독종은 머릿수 십의 자리 될까말까 할거라 장담한다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › board › view베댓보고 쓴다 남자 20대 인생 설계 이렇게해라. 까딱하면 나이 엄청 먹으니, 준비하면서 여럿 자격증도 띄엄띄엄 취득해두면. 반도체만해도 20대 중반에서 다 나이컷임 요즘 mz들 코로나때 학교 안갔다고 사교성 박살나서 못써먹겠다고 잘 안뽑아서 컷이 올라가긴 했는데 그래도 20대 후반 30초반임 무경력자나 저스펙은 하나도 없음. 베댓보고 쓴다 남자 20대 인생 설계 이렇게해라.

뭔가 손해본 기분에 폰키고 디시 들어와 586비난글에 좋아요 누르고 애비뻘 세대에게 따끔하게 인생조언 일침놓고 주무심 9.

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일단 남자 군대+대졸 포함하면 거의20대 5년이상을 제대로된 직업없이 보냄게다가 취준까지 포함하면 ㅇㅇ심지어 취업해보려고 해도 부랴부랴 대학나오고 작겨증 따면 뭐하냐30 40 경력자들이 이미 취업시장 전부 가로채간 상.

Com › board › view베댓보고 쓴다 남자 20대 인생 설계 이렇게해라, Net › name › 6002058720대 후반 무경력이면 취업 포기해 인스티즈 instiz 일상 카테고, 현역에 군대에 대학졸업만 해도 25살인데, 김포에서는 비행기를 처음 타보는데, 생각보다도 더 한산했어요. 우선 본인 or 친구들 경험담으로 만든거고 대학교 안간 사람은 잘 모름1.

30대가본 20대 남자특징 취업 갤러리.

아무리 옛날보다 학벌의 중요성이 떨어졌다해도 4년제를 가본거랑 안가본거랑 자존감 및 시야차이가 read more, 김포에서는 비행기를 처음 타보는데, 생각보다도 더 한산했어요, 20대 남자들이 취업 어려울수밖에 없는게 취업 갤러리. 이것들이 세대갈라치기하고 인생꽁으로먹으려함. 20대 남자들이 취업 어려울수밖에 없는게 취업 갤러리. 아무리 옛날보다 학벌의 중요성이 떨어졌다해도 4년제를 가본거랑 안가본거랑 자존감 및 시야차이가 read more.

걍 요즘 20대 남자는 취업이 힘듬 취업 갤러리. 지금 잡코리아에서 커리어 고민을 등록하고 직장인 현직자 선배들의 조언을 받아보세요. 일반적으로 20대 얻은 1개의지식 vs 30대 얻은 1개의지식 어느게 효율성과그지식의이용가능성을 대폭 증폭시킬수있는쪽이 누구일까, 그만큼 취업경쟁력을 갖추는 것이 중요하다는 것을 말씀드리는 것입니다, Com › board › view애들불쌍하네 20대 취업에 아둥바둥20대는 그게아닌데. Com › board › view20대 현실 취업 갤러리.

20대 후반까지 제대로된 스펙 없으면 제대로된 취업 많이 곤란해짐 현실적으로 이런글써봐야 개꼰대같은소리라고 욕만 먹을거 뻔하긴하지만 옛날 생각나서 걍 함 써봤음 여기 만약 20대 초중반 애들이 있다면 나를 욕하더라도 한번쯤 생각해봤으면 해서.

취업애로청년을 정규직으로 채용하고 6개월 이상 고용유지시 최장 1년간 최대 720만원 지원, 지금처럼 대기업이든 좆소든 신입들 경력이나 학력 스펙같은거. 더군다나 뇌가 가장 활발한시기가 20대인데. Com › mgallery › board20후반 30대인데 뭐하고 살지 막막한 사람봐라 국민취업지원제도 마. 반도체만해도 20대 중반에서 다 나이컷임 요즘 mz들 코로나때 학교 안갔다고 사교성 박살나서 못써먹겠다고 잘 안뽑아서 컷이 올라가긴 했는데 그래도 20대 후반 30초반임 무경력자나 저스펙은 하나도 없음, 30살넘어 들어오면 진짜 서러운 직업임 근데 남자 30살 31살이 제일 많음 서러운건 안다 근데 20대때 안쳐다보다가 30대되서 9.

Com › board › view걍 요즘 20대 남자는 취업이 힘듬 취업 갤러리.. 직장알바사업 잡담 인기글 목록 2024..

10 211811 삭제 취갤러2112. 피치항공이 지연, 결항 이야기가 많던데. Com › board › view20대 현실 취업 갤러리. 30대에 접어들며 미래에 대한 불안과 고민을 공유하는 글입니다, 35살 이후는 취직힘들다 못해도 35살안에만 착실하게 살고 경력쌓고 노력하고 자리잡아라 특히 팩트로 이야기하는건 사무직은공무원,공기업아닌이상.

일단 남자 군대+대졸 포함하면 거의20대 5년이상을 제대로된 직업없이 보냄.

35살 이후는 취직힘들다 못해도 35살안에만 착실하게 살고 경력쌓고 노력하고 자리잡아라 특히 팩트로 이야기하는건 사무직은공무원,공기업아닌이상. 일단 남자 군대+대졸 포함하면 거의20대 5년이상을 제대로된 직업없이 보냄. 베댓보고 쓴다 남자 20대 인생 설계 이렇게해라, 뭔가 손해본 기분에 폰키고 디시 들어와 586비난글에 좋아요 누르고 애비뻘 세대에게 따끔하게 인생조언 일침놓고 주무심 9, 20대 남자들이 취업 어려울수밖에 없는게 취업 갤러리, 그만큼 취업경쟁력을 갖추는 것이 중요하다는 것을 말씀드리는 것입니다.

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.