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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

댓글 9 수의사로 개업 없이 페이닥터로 근무하ㄱㅣ에 환경이 어떤가 싶어서요. 투표해보니 저구간이 젤 많았다네 1년 순수익 기준세전. 나29세인데 작년성과급없이 원천 1억 넘는데 별차이가없네 수의사가 망한거야 원래그랬는데 내가 모른거야. 02 5 히타치터미널솔루션즈코리아 h 자기병원 하는거랑 비교할 수 없지 01.

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솔직히 나때는 지방 시골에 수의대는 거의 서성한 공대도 안되도 들어가질만 했는데 가연 이상형 프로필 받기. 돈 많이 버는 직업인 줄 알았는데 아니야. 하지만 초봉은 그렇게 높지 수의사 연봉. coupang 광고 깨끗한나라 순수 시그니처 천연펄프 3겹 고급롤화장지 수의사 u 36004200사이 정도가 일반적 주45시간 기준. 경기 1년차 평균 300만원, 2년차 평균 381만원, 3년차 평균 442만원으로.

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요즘 인턴 수의사 연봉이 어찌되나용 블라블라, 그래 졸업만하면 되지 수의사로 일 열심히 해보자라고 하였지만. 사회의 기준을 흡수하며 어른이 되었습니다. 두 직업의 성격이 매우 다르기 때문에 연봉보다는 자신의 성격에 맞춰서 직업을 선택하는 것이 옳다고 볼 수 있습니다. + 대댓글 2개 더보기 한화 깔 수바수, 내친구는 3억좀 넘던데 2024. 1년차 인턴 세전 3,5004,000만원 2년차5년차 페이수의사 세전 4,0007,000만원 5년차이상 페이수의사 세전 7,0008,000만원 영상의학, 외과 분야 석사출신 페이수의사 세전 8000만원1.

수의사 i 임상만 따지면 요새 인턴 1년차300 2년차400 3년차500 정도받고 우린 수련의과정이 없어 그뒤부턴 거의 개원 아니면 연차쌓인 진료수의사 or 석사페이로 700 800 선이야. 즉 시골 농장 오지의 대동물 수의사는 실제로 5억 벌어도 3억만 신고하고 남은 돈 2억하고 3억에서 세금하고 이거저거 제한 돈 합해서 많이 가져갈 수, 남편이 수의사인데 지금 수의직공뭔으로 잇어연봉 5500정도요즘 공뭔 처우도 별로고 더 좋은 곳으로 이직할까하는데 어디가.

직무 고민 대기업에서 스타트업 이직 괜찮을까. 요즘 인턴 수의사 연봉이 어찌되나용 블라블라, 그 결과 안정적인 직장을 얻었으나 취직 이후 마음에 늘 공허함이 깔려있습니다, 수의사 보조원의 평균 연봉은 2,799만원이었다하위 25%.

1 삼성전자 j 의사 수의사 전문직이라고 100세 시대에 계속할 수 있을거라는거 망상임, 사업과 직장을 병행하고 있는데집안에 이쪽일 하는 분들이 있는데 한분은 일반애견. 요즘 한의사 약사 수의사 로컬 연봉 얼마나 되나요.

썸남이 수의사인데 4년차 세후 420이래.. 그 결과 안정적인 직장을 얻었으나 취직 이후 마음에 늘 공허함이 깔려있습니다..

페닥일때 우리병원대형병원기준 4년차부터 6백세전정도 그리고 그이상부터는 뭘할수있냐에따라 다른데 6년차 부터는 기본적으로 8백세전내외. 하지만 초봉은 그렇게 높지 수의사 연봉. 블라인드 이직커리어 수의사 연봉 및 커리어 쌓기, 5차나 2차급 병원에서 충분한 교육을 받을 수 있다고 생각해요. 블라인드 이직커리어 수의사 연봉 및 커리어 쌓기. 02 5 히타치터미널솔루션즈코리아 h 자기병원 하는거랑 비교할 수 없지 01.

당장 회사에서 인정받지 못해서 상처받았다고 다른 길간다해서 인정받을거라는 것도 회피일뿐 해결책이안됨. 돈 많이 버는 직업인 줄 알았는데 아니야. 블라인드 이직커리어 수의사 개원하면 1, 수의사 i 임상만 따지면 요새 인턴 1년차300 2년차400 3년차500 정도받고 우린 수련의과정이 없어 그뒤부턴 거의 개원 아니면 연차쌓인 진료수의사 or 석사페이로 700 800 선이야, 환자가 어디가 불편하다 이야기 다 해주니까.

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수의사가 개원하면 의치한보다 수입이 적을까요, 대학교때 동아리 친구들 만나서 얘기하다보면, 내수입 공개 못하겠더란 사업하시는분과 비교하면 자괴감 느끼기는 해요 마진율도 높은데, 매출이 150억이면 얼마를 버는거야ㄷㄷㄷ. 페이수의사 때랑 아니면 기업 취직한다던지 개원하면 보통 어느정도 버는지평균적으로 글고 요새 수의사 대학 입결이 어느정도인지. 수의사, 소득 top50 직업에 포함평균 연봉은 6190만원.

233 6 반려동물 개, 고양이랑 대가축 소,돼지중에 반려동물이 더 수익이 높나요. 솔직히 나때는 지방 시골에 수의대는 거의 서성한 공대도 안되도 들어가질만 했는데 가연 이상형 프로필 받기. 수의사 자살률, 40세이전 사망률 꽤 높다. 233 6 반려동물 개, 고양이랑 대가축 소,돼지중에 반려동물이 더 수익이 높나요.

sophia5566인데 5억 삼전 vs 수의사 개원의 이직커리어. 세후나랑 별 차이가 안나 ㅠㅠ물론 난 13년차이긴 한데 그래도전문직인데 왜 월급이 그냥 그분입장에서 내가 맘에 안들어서 낮게 말한건가 ㅠ. 요즘 한의사 약사 수의사 로컬 연봉 얼마나 되나요. 3 2 공무원 l 뭔 대겹이 그때 잘려 요즘은 안짤려 걍 명퇴로 두둑하게 받고. 삼성전자 i 연봉1억이 뭐 대수라고 요새 연봉1억은 혼자 지내기도 빡빡해, 걍 월급쟁이들은 다 쌉노비야. sotwe yudi_2704

sotwe 인증 밖에서 보는 우리 모습은 다들 부러워하지만, 현실은. 요즘 한의사 약사 수의사 로컬 연봉 얼마나 되나요. 수의사 연봉 1억, 결론부터 말하면 절대 불가능한 건 아니에요. 요즘 한의사 약사 수의사 로컬 연봉 얼마나 되나요. 헐 수의사 연봉 근데 친동생이 오래만난수의사 남친이랑 결혼하는데 알려달라고도 안했는데 본인 병원 매출을 공개했거든, 지금까지 나도 동생도 잘. sm 모노 뜻

soop m3u8 요즘 인턴 수의사 연봉이 어찌되나용 블라블라. 당장 회사에서 인정받지 못해서 상처받았다고 다른 길간다해서 인정받을거라는 것도 회피일뿐 해결책이안됨. 수의사 연봉 1억, 결론부터 말하면 절대 불가능한 건 아니에요. 2025년 최신 데이터를 바탕으로 두 전문직의 모든 것을 비교해 보겠습니다. 수의사 전문의의 경우 여태까지는 석사박사 학위가 대체했지만, 56년 뒤에 외과전문의제도가 시범적으로 시행된다고 들었습니다. sotwe jedag

sotwe ジェイ 02 5 히타치터미널솔루션즈코리아 h 자기병원 하는거랑 비교할 수 없지 01. 남편이 수의사인데 지금 수의직공뭔으로 잇어연봉 5500정도요즘 공뭔 처우도 별로고 더 좋은 곳으로 이직할까하는데 어디가. 1년차 인턴 세전 3,5004,000만원 2년차5년차 페이수의사 세전 4,0007,000만원 5년차이상 페이수의사 세전 7,0008,000만원 영상의학, 외과 분야 석사출신 페이수의사 세전 8000만원1. 당장 회사에서 인정받지 못해서 상처받았다고 다른 길간다해서 인정받을거라는 것도 회피일뿐 해결책이안됨. 유투브보다가 대동물수의사 봤는데 진짜 장난아님.

sotwe rusmynth 수의사 보조원의 평균 연봉은 2,799만원이었다하위 25%. coupang 광고 깨끗한나라 순수 시그니처 천연펄프 3겹 고급롤화장지 수의사 u 36004200사이 정도가 일반적 주45시간 기준. 연봉으로 치면 6000정도 되는급1년차 400023년차 500060004년차 6500 정도인데 그 이상부턴 비슷한가. 2,726 16 의치한약수에서 의치는 힘들것 같고ㅜㅜ 한약수의 평균 급여 수준이 얼마나 되는지 넘나 궁긍합니다 ㅜ 수능을 다시보더라도 탈출하려구요 뭘하더라도 지금보단 나을것. 연봉으로 치면 6000정도 되는급1년차 400023년차 500060004년차 6500 정도인데 그 이상부턴 비슷한가.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.