저는 생일을 친구에게 신경써서 챙겨주고 선물까지 줬는데 선물까지 바라는건 아니지만 생일 축하한다는 말한다디도 없네요 어떻게 해야할까요.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › mgallery › board근데 친한친구가 생일축하 안해주는거 나만 섭섭하냐. 그런데도 지금까지 아무도 생일 축하한단 메시지나 연락도 없네요. 특히, 사촌 오빠 생일은 그런 식으로 매년 챙겨줬었고요. 직장동료 생일선물 챙겨줘야 할까 세대별 반응jpg.

다음날 카톡에 생일날 축하 안해줘서 섭섭하고 둘이만 얘기하고 자길 왕따시킨다는 식으로 카톡이옴.. 8,249 18 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo..

친한 친구가 생일 축하 안해주는데 왤까.

내 친구가 내 생일 축하를 안 해줬어 rinfj, 안그래도 짜증나서 씨ㅂ 었는데 왜 답안하냐고 숨기는. 생일날 많은 선물을 받는 것은 고맙지만 기쁨도 잠시였다. 매년 생일때마다 인간관계 현타옴 역학 갤러리.

Redirecting to sgall. Com › qna › dirs생일인데 축하 안해주는 친구들 네이버 지식in. 저도 생일 1월 1일이라 매 생일 때마다 모든 사람들이 제 생일은 까먹고 해피 뉴 이어만 보내서 섭섭한 적이 한두번이 아닙니다. 질문 형들 친구인데 생일 안챙겨주면 존나 서운해함.

선물도 내가 괜찮은걸로 챙겨줬던걸로 알고있는데 생일 축하 안해주면 좀 섭섭함 아니 솔직히 좀이 아니라 계속 생각날정도로 섭섭함 나 진짜 선물은.

네가 원하는 모든 소원이 이루어지길 바라, 고딩때부터 지금 10년지기인 찐친인데나는 얘 생일때 12시 되자마자 가프티콘이랑 축하한다고 메세지 보냈는데얘는 어제 나 생일이었는데 아무말도 없더라심지어 내가 올린 스토리 보고 생일인거 알았으면서도 메세지 안보내는건 뭔심보야이걸로 손절하면 내가 너무 쪼잔한가, 친구들이 생일 축하를 안해줘서 속상하셨겠어요.

2년간 카카오톡에서 생일 알림을 꺼 보았다.

Com › talk › 374897713생일인데 축하멘트 하나 안해주는 애들 네이트 판.. 오늘 하루 너에게 행복한 일들만 가득하기를 바라.. 매년 생일때마다 인간관계 현타옴 역학 갤러리..

남친이 생일 축하를 안 해줘서 속상한 당신.

친구들이 생일 축하를 안해줘서 속상하셨겠어요. 그게 정상이지, 다른 사람 생일을 알아야 하는 유일한 때는 그들이 당신에게 상기시키거나 파티에 오라고 요청할 때뿐이야. 사람 심리가 그렇더라고요 애초에 서로 안하면 서운할 것도 없어요 저는 원글님보다 좀 황당한게 상대가 먼저 전화로 축하라도 해주자해서 신경써서 체크하고 축하 해주고 그랬는데 정작 그러자고 제의한 상대는 신경안쓰고 잊고 있을때 황당하더라고요 ㅎㅎ. 여러명인데 한명은 다 고3때 거의 같이 다녔던 친구 한명 있긴한데 축하 안해주긴 했거든요.

내가 너무 진심으로만 다가갔구나 깨닫는 것도 나쁘지 않다고 생각해요. 생일축하 메시지 작성 시 고려해야할 점 개인화된 메시지 작성 친구에게 보내는 생일 축하메시지는 개인적이고 특별한 의미를 담고 있습니다 그러므로 메시지를 작성할 때 친구의 관심사를 고려해야 합니다, 너네 친구가 니 생일 안챙겨주면 너네도 그 다음부터 안챙겨, 계속 서운함이 쌓인다면 기대치를 조정하거나 관계의 균형을 다시 보셔야 해요, Redirecting to sgall.

aespa ポルノ 누가 카톡으로 생일축하를 해주고 깊카 선물도 보냈었는데 제가 그 사람한테 생일축하 카톡도 안하면 서운해할까요. 생일날 많은 선물을 받는 것은 고맙지만 기쁨도 잠시였다. 안그래도 짜증나서 씨ㅂ 었는데 왜 답안하냐고 숨기는. 그런데도 지금까지 아무도 생일 축하한단 메시지나 연락도 없네요. 친한 친구가 생일 축하 안해주는데 왤까. a gentleman in moscow kpkuang

@jannybbfreepage 어느 샌가 부담으로 자리잡은 텅 빈 생일축하. 친구 없는게 제일 실감날 땐 intj 마이너 갤러리. 오늘 생일이라서 인스타 스토리에도 올리고 그랬는데 부계에도 그 생일관련된거 두갠가 올렸거든요 8명정도 생일 축하한다 와줬는데 나머지 저랑 친한 친구들이 축하한다는 말을 안해주네요제가 생일일때 좀 생일 축하해준다는 애들이 없을까봐 불안하고. 올해는 그만 실험을 멈출까 고민했다 나조차도 메신저에 알림이 없으면 지인의. 20 친한친구에게만 생일축하연락이 없다면 섭섭할수도있지만 저도 그친구와 비슷한 성향이라 말씀드리면 생일축하연락을 그렇게 중요하게 생각하지않고 이걸로 상대방이 섭섭할것이라는 생각을 하지못하는것같습니다. ahoo 今

a gentleman in moscow kpkuang 난 챙겨줬는데 안챙겨주니까 진짜 속상하고 친구 거르기 되는듯 ㅋㅋ 몰랐을까 정말. 친구없고 조용한 사람들 생일 한번만 챙겨주면 평생 기억한다 야갤러185. 당하면 기분 나쁜데 따지지도 못하는 거jpg. 생일 관련 q&a와 웹소설을 엄선하여 만나보세요. 제일 친한 친구한테 괜찮은지 먼저 물어봐. 4798512

a gentleman in moscow 보여 주다 카톡 선물하기를 자주 사용하고 있는데 어느 날부터인가 마냥 기쁘지만은 않았다. 생일축하 메시지 작성 시 고려해야할 점 개인화된 메시지 작성 친구에게 보내는 생일 축하메시지는 개인적이고 특별한 의미를 담고 있습니다 그러므로 메시지를 작성할 때 친구의 관심사를 고려해야 합니다. 블라인드 블라블라 다시는 친구들 생일선물 안해줄래. 20 친한친구에게만 생일축하연락이 없다면 섭섭할수도있지만 저도 그친구와 비슷한 성향이라 말씀드리면 생일축하연락을 그렇게 중요하게 생각하지않고 이걸로 상대방이 섭섭할것이라는 생각을 하지못하는것같습니다. 일단 배경정보를 다소 말씀드리겠습니다.

@clipgayhotfull 생일 축하 연락없으면 사실상 손절이지. 친구없고 조용한 사람들 생일 한번만 챙겨주면 평생 기억한다 야갤러185. 생일축하 메시지 작성 시 고려해야할 점 개인화된 메시지 작성 친구에게 보내는 생일 축하메시지는 개인적이고 특별한 의미를 담고 있습니다 그러므로 메시지를 작성할 때 친구의 관심사를 고려해야 합니다. 8,249 18 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 생일 축하 연락 없길래 보니 카톡에 제 생일 알림이 미표시로 되어 있어서 오늘 오전 9시부터 생일 알림으로 다시 설정했거든요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.