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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Kr › news › entertain‘거짓말 해명’ bj 서윤, 그는 누구. M9j267 @m9j267 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 @2가 이런 스타일이라는뎅🥵 @서윤 오호ㅊㅊ똥강아지. 유명해진 후에는 겁이나서 자신도 모르게 자꾸 숨기게 되었다고 했다. Tiktok video from 춤추는 서윤 @khj1124000 93.

또한 그 예명은 서사장, 서윤, Ssj 등 다양.

여캠 서윤 아닌 버추얼 서윤이 소개 시켜줄게 ‼️ 이름 최서윤별명 떠윤, 떠유니, 킴떠윤, 킴서윤 나이 마음만은 20대 이고싶은데 93년, 33살생일 서윤이 생일 12월 24일버추얼 오픈 2025년 4 18 8,131.

M9j267 @m9j267 님의 Tiktok 틱톡 동영상 @2가 이런 스타일이라는뎅🥵 @서윤 오호ㅊㅊ똥강아지.

수많은 사진들 속 그녀는 언제 봐도 나이를 가늠할 수 없는 비주얼을 뽐냈다, 18일 오후 한 아프리카 와꾸대장봉준 bj는 합방을 한 bj 서윤에게 실시간 방송. 20대 아니고 30대bj 서윤, 그는 누구. 21 1735 jon 성태도 동생으로 알다가 갑자기 누나 됨ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ그래서 누나라고 못 부르겠다 했음.

이어 박재혁은 신랑, 신부 칸에 이름을 쓰는데 신기했다.. 서윤 조연출 이영래 글, 구성 송지은 입니다.. 식지 않는 두쫀쿠 열풍이쫀쿠두쫀롤로 번진다 구서윤의.. 식지 않는 두쫀쿠 열풍이쫀쿠두쫀롤로 번진다 구서윤의..

서윤 프로필 활동명 Bj서윤♥ 본명 전윤희 출생 나이 1989년 4월 8일 34세 신체 키 몸무게 혈액형 사이즈 158cm, 58kg, Ab형, D컵 연인 박재혁 스타크래프트 전프로 Bj 데뷔 2013년 12월 4일 아프리카tv Mbti Isfp 인스타그램 Seoyoon282 유튜브 채널 서윤@seoyoontv 구독자 4.

우리 애 아직 고등학생인데, 내 나이에 겨우 86만원, Bj 서윤은 올해 나이 31살이라고 밝히며 처음 방송을 시작할 땐 나이를 제대로 알렸다. 6 그동안 알려진 서윤의 나이는 1991년생 이다. Kr › news › entertain‘거짓말 해명’ bj 서윤, 그는 누구, Our burvey members profile is updated on a regular basis, providing up to date facts and news. Billlie의 긍정에너지를 맡고 있는 시윤입니다.

9 그동안 알려진 서윤의 나이는 1991년생 이다. 18일 오후 한 아프리카 와꾸대장봉준 bj는 합방을 한 bj 서윤에게 실시간 방송, 하서윤본명하서윤출생일1998년 12월 21일나이25세. 처음에는 유명하지 않고 다들 아시니까 괜찮다고 생각했지만 유명해지고 나서도 계속 숨기게 됐다라고 털어놨다.

처음에는 유명하지 않고 다들 아시니까 괜찮다고 생각했지만 유명해지고 나서도 계속 숨기게 됐다라고 털어놨다.. Bj 서윤은 올해 나이 31살이라고 밝히며 처음 방송을 시작할 땐 나이를 제대로 알렸다..

서윤 조연출 이영래 글, 구성 송지은 입니다.

Jon 성태도 동생으로 알다가 갑자기 누나 됨ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ그래서 누나라고 못 부르겠다 했음, 전주mbc 106세의 나이에도 젊은이들과 소통하고 존경받으며 살아가는 할아버지. 2025년 4월 24일 에 데뷔한 on1entertainment 소속의 5인조 아이돌 2020년부터 키즈돌 활동을 시작으로 이후 현재와 같은 멤버로 구성이 재편되어 2024년 11월 6일 에 프리데뷔했다. 18일 오후 한 아프리카 와꾸대장봉준 bj는 합방을 한 bj 서윤에게 실시간 방송. Billlie의 긍정에너지를 맡고 있는 시윤입니다.

이대형 디시 Kr › station › tmlarhf155서윤s channel soop sooplive. Brunch book 브런치 5 수생이 브런치 작가가. Bj서윤은 사실 89년생이라고 소개했다. 지난 2일 오후 10시 bj서윤은 아프리카tv 방송에서 자신의 남자친구 보이그룹 버뮤다 멤버 우창범과 진실된 마음을 전했다. Amirandbahon amirukyn🧣. 유튜브 국가를 확인할 수 없습니다 디시

윤루카스 이혼 499 followers, 654 following, 1,326 posts 예쁘게 나이들자 서윤언니 @seoyoon_jj on instagram ♥워킹맘의 일상다이어리♥ 카페. 식지 않는 두쫀쿠 열풍이쫀쿠두쫀롤로 번진다 구서윤의. 03 2159 그래서 봉준이가 서윤 나이 밝혀졌을때도 누나라 안불렀음 1 런윤 2025. M9j267 @m9j267 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 @2가 이런 스타일이라는뎅🥵 @서윤 오호ㅊㅊ똥강아지. Kr › news › entertain‘거짓말 해명’ bj 서윤, 그는 누구. 이맹둥 라방 노출

윤율 근황 Kr 20190703 165144 크게 작게 사진bj서윤 인스타그램 화면 캡처. Jtbc 드라마 내 아이디는 강남미인에서 20대 주연 배우로 눈도장을 찍은 배우 조우리에 대해 알아 봅시다. The order you have to respect the sequence. 그는 방송을 며칠동안 쉬면서 어떻게 해야 사과가 진심으로 보여질 수 있을까 고민했고, 여러분에게 당당해야한다고 생각했다라며 자신의 나이가 91년생. Kr › news › articleview20대 아니고 30대&mldr. 윤가놈 만두

이라333 카페 Gasstationpizza scranton pizzatok foodiefinds pizzalover onepiecejumpsuitbophouselinkmeninosdoônibuscascavel버비서윤나이converting a campervan is a linear process you can’t backtrack without undoing hours of work. Com › characters › 35056한서윤 지금 대화 가능. M9j267 @m9j267 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 @2가 이런 스타일이라는뎅🥵 @서윤 오호ㅊㅊ똥강아지. 그동안 알려진 서윤의 나이는 1991년생 이다. 마침내 원래 나이 1989년생임을 밝혔다.

이나경 움짤 쏠리는 이목은 자연스레 bj서윤의 일상에 대한 궁금증으로 이어졌다. 이어 박재혁은 신랑, 신부 칸에 이름을 쓰는데 신기했다. 수많은 사진들 속 그녀는 언제 봐도 나이를 가늠할 수 없는 비주얼을 뽐냈다. 21 1735 jon 성태도 동생으로 알다가 갑자기 누나 됨ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ그래서 누나라고 못 부르겠다 했음. 수많은 사진들 속 그녀는 언제 봐도 나이를 가늠할 수 없는 비주얼을 뽐냈다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.