Kr › article › view블랙핑크 리사, 美 소니뮤직 산하 rca 레코드와 계약국민일보.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Yg엔터테인먼트 는 2016년 8월 지수와 함께 같이 연습생 생활을 했던 제니, 로제, 리사 를 멤버로 한, 그룹 블랙핑크를 결성하였다. 블랙핑크 리사, 美 소니뮤직 산하 rca 레코드와 손 잡았다. 블랙핑크 리사, 개인 기획사 lloud 통해 솔로 활동. 음악과 엔터테인먼트에서 저의 비전을 보여줄 수 있는 플랫폼, lloud를 소개합니다.

제니 오드 아틀리에 Oa 지수 블리수 Blissoo 리사 라우드 Lloud 이제 멤버중에서 로제만 남아있다.

태국 출신 블랙핑크 리사, 전세계 부호 2위 아들과 열애설.

8일, 리사는 개인 소셜 네트워크 서비스를. 블링크스blinks로도 알려진 블랙핑크 팬들은 블랙핑크 멤버 리사가 소속사에서 차별을 받고 있다는 생각에 트위터에 ygletlisadoherwork라는 해시. 이들은 블랙핑크 팀 활동만 yg에서 이어 나갈 예정이다.

태국 출신 블랙핑크 리사, 전세계 부호 2위 아들과 열애설. 걸그룹 블랙핑크의 리사가 개인 기획사를 통해 본격 홀로서기에 나섰습니다, 소니뮤직엔터테인먼트코리아는 리사가 설립한 소속사 라우드 컴퍼니가 rca 레코드와 파트너십을 체결했다고 11일 밝혔다.

11일 소니뮤직엔터테인먼트코리아에 따르면 리사 Lalisa Manobal 및 그가 설립한 소속사 라우드 컴퍼니 Lloud Co.

국적 태국 태국에서 상징적인 존재이기도 하다.. 11일 소니뮤직엔터테인먼트코리아에 따르면 리사 lalisa manobal 및 그가 설립한 소속사 라우드 컴퍼니 lloud co.. Rca 레코드 역시 리사 그리고 lloud와 협력하게 돼 매우 자랑스럽습니다..

리사, 제니 이어 레이블 설립 lloud 비전 보여주겠다 k팝 간판 걸그룹 블랙핑크의 태국인 멤버 리사라리사 마노반도 예상대로 개인 레이블을 설립했다, 소니뮤직엔터테인먼트코리아는 리사가 설립한 소속사 라우드 컴퍼니가 rca 레코드와 파트너십을 체결했다고 11일 밝혔다, 지난 18일 리사는 라우드 컴퍼니 공식 sns를 통해 새로운 싱글 rockstar의 아트워크를 공개하고 컴백을. 리사는 지난해 1인기획사 lloud를 설립했다.

가 미국 소니뮤직 산하의 rca 레코드와 새로운 파트너십을 체결하고 글로벌 활동에 나선다, 리사까지 개인 레이블을 공개하면서 블랙핑크 멤버 중, 하지만 멤버들 모두 개인 재계약은 불발됐으며, 더블랙레이블로 이적한 로제 외에 지수, 제니, 리사는 각자 1인 소속사를 설립해 활동 중이다, 소니뮤직엔터테인먼트코리아는 리사가 설립한 소속사 라우드 컴퍼니가 rca 레코드와 파트너십을 체결했다고 11일 밝혔다, 좋아요 67개,포스트쉐어 @postshare_official 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 블랙핑크 해체.

블랙핑크 리사, 데뷔 첫 컬래버 주인공은 아이콘.

서울연합뉴스 이태수 기자 걸그룹 블랙핑크의 네 멤버 제니, 리사, 로제, 지수가 모두 소속사 yg엔터테인먼트를 떠난다, 이 이름은 블랙핑크 활동을 통해 전 세계적으로 잘 알려져 있습니다, 11일 소니뮤직엔터테인먼트코리아에 따르면 리사lalisa manobal 및 그가 설립한 소속사 라우드 컴퍼니lloud co.

Com › article › 202404113324h블랙핑크 리사, 美 소니뮤직 산하 rca 레코드와 손 잡았다. 11일 소니뮤직엔터테인먼트코리아 측에 따르면 리사 lalisa manobal 및 그가 설립한 소속사 라우드 컴퍼니 lloud co. Com › leos › 223413735483블랙핑크 리사, 美 rca 레코드와 손 잡았다솔로 앨범 준비 중. 걸그룹 블랙핑크가 다음 달 소속사 yg엔터테인먼트와 전속계약이 만료되는데요, 작년 12월 블랙핑크blackpink 제니jennie가 개인 레이블 oa오드 아틀리에, odd atelier를 설립한 데에 이어, 리사lisa도 본인의 독립 플랫폼 라우드lloud를 선보였습니다.

역사 편집 2024년 2월 8일, 리사 는 본인의 인스타그램 을 통해 설립을 발표했다.

현재 블랙핑크 멤버 중 유일하게 개인 소속사가 없는 로제가 테디가 수장으로 있는 더블랙레이블에 합류할.. 가 미국 소니뮤직 산하의 rca 레코드와..

Yg는 29일 개별 활동에 대한 별도의 추가 계약은 진행하지 않기로 협의했다고. Kr › news › endpage블랙핑크 리사, 1인 기획사 lloud 설립&mldr. 리사는 8일 자신의 sns를 통해 음악과 엔터테인먼트에 대한 저의 비전을 보여줄 수 있는 플랫폼 lloud를 소개한다며 새로운 경계를 뛰어넘을 흥미진진한, 블랙핑크 리사, 1인 기획사 lloud 설립비전 보여줄 곳.

트위터 펨돔 썰 블랙핑크 리사, yg 스태프 無 홀로 파리行또 재계약 불발설. 8일, 리사는 개인 소셜 네트워크 서비스를. 역사 편집 2024년 2월 8일, 리사 는 본인의 인스타그램 을 통해 설립을 발표했다. 그룹 블랙핑크 리사가 소속사를 설립하고 난 뒤 고충을 털어놨다. 리사, 소속사 차리고 보니뮤비 제작 너무 비싸, 항상 깎아. 트위터 영상 추출 mayu

트위터 일시 정지 기간 디시 역사 편집 2024년 2월 8일, 리사 는 본인의 인스타그램 을 통해 설립을 발표했다. Com › article › 20240208미주한국일보 미주 no. 글로벌 kpop 센세이션 블랙핑크의 리사가 자신만의 음악적 여정을 시작하며 솔로 아티스트로서 새로운 도약을 알렸다. 작년 12월 블랙핑크blackpink 제니jennie가 개인 레이블 oa오드 아틀리에, odd atelier를 설립한 데에 이어, 리사lisa도 본인의 독립 플랫폼 라우드lloud를 선보였습니다. 좋아요 67개,포스트쉐어 @postshare_official 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 블랙핑크 해체. 틱톡 야동

트위터 스캇 그룹 블랙핑크가 개별 활동을 본격화하고 있다. 재계약 여부에 관심이 쏠리는 가운데, 어제12일 멤버 리사의. 가 미국 소니뮤직 산하의 rca 레코드와 새로운 파트너십을 체결하고 글로벌 활동에 나선다. 리사는 올 초 라우드 컴퍼니를 설립하고 미국 3대 유통사 중 하나로 알려진 소니뮤직 산하 레이블 rca 레코드와 파트너십을 체결했다. 소니뮤직엔터테인먼트코리아는 리사가 설립한 소속사 라우드 컴퍼니가 rca 레코드와 파트너십을 체결했다고 11일 밝혔다. 트위터 오줌

티부 블랙핑크 막내가 보인 최근 행동은 제니와 리사의 관계가 더 이상 예전과 같지 않다는 불화설을 촉발시켰고. 그룹 블랙핑크 리사가 소속사를 설립하고 난 뒤 고충을 털어놨다. 태국 출신인 리사는 본명에서 따온 이름으로 활동하고 있으며, 팬들은 그녀를 리사라는 애칭으로 부르고 있습니다. Com › 7007lloud라우드 리사 소속사, 국적, 나이, 블랙핑크, 재계약, 태국. 블랙핑크 리사가 신생 기획사 lloud를 통해 개별 활동을 이어간다.

트위터 코코 후기 디시 블랙핑크 리사가 신생 기획사 lloud를 통해 개별 활동을 이어간다. 블랙핑크 리사가 신생 기획사 lloud를 통해 개별 활동을 이어간다. 뮤비 제작 너무 비싸, 항상 깎아달라고. Rca 레코드 역시 리사 그리고 lloud와 협력하게 돼 매우 자랑스럽습니다. 걸그룹 블랙핑크의 네 멤버 제니, 리사, 로제, 지수가 모두 소속사 yg엔터테인먼트를 떠난다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.