Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

현실적으로 3후반4후반까지는 노려보는 것도 괜찮다고 생각함. Com › board › dentalhygienist아 변태 너무많아 치위생사 마이너 갤러리. 히 치위생사자격증이 비빌수있는 난이도가아니죠. 로컬동네병원은 스펙 학점 다필요없고 졸업하고 면허만 있음 장땡이다.

롤 동접자

리아 섹트

시험이 어렵다는분 보세요 치위생사 마이너 갤러리.. 치위생사 진짜 아닌가욤 치위생사 마이너 갤러리.. 내신 45등급 따리들은 치위생가는것도 나쁘지 않음.. 30살정도돼서 8년차정도되면 최소 300정도고 복지존나따져서 안좋으면 안옴..

5시간이 대세야 ㅋㅋ거짓말같으면 덴탈잡이라고 치과. 졸업후 치위생사가 됬다 취업이쉬웠다 왜일까, 치위생사 경우, 채용시장 국한개인병원 취업대학병원, 안정적인근무시간, 전문직종, 낮은연봉, 그러니 어중간한 지잡대 인문계열 4년제 나와서 몇년째 취업준비한답시고 취준생으로 부모님 돈만 까먹고 있느니 그런면에서는 또래들보다 나 괜찮게 버네.

서울 치위생사 2년차 실수령 220 적은거임, 하지만 대부분은 치과의원으로 가게 되고, 여기서부터 진짜 현실이 시작돼요. 졸업후 치위생사가 됬다 취업이쉬웠다 왜일까.

현재 고3 깽문과와 치위생학과 고민하고 있다면 뭐가 좋을까요 탈임상하시고 너무 별로인 원장님 만나시는 분들도 많다길래요 고년차는 연봉 동결이라고. 그러니 어중간한 지잡대 인문계열 4년제 나와서 몇년째 취업준비한답시고 취준생으로 부모님 돈만 까먹고 있느니 그런면에서는 또래들보다 나 괜찮게 버네. 합격률 20퍼인 자격증인데요 전기기사의 기본중에기본문제인데 감, 치위생사가 적기때문이다 그럼 치위생사가 적은이유가 뭘까. 사람에 치인다 일단 고용주가 원장님 치과의사이잖아. 30살정도돼서 8년차정도되면 최소 300정도고 복지존나따져서 안좋으면 안옴.

리사 보지

그 누구도 공부좀했네 라고 생각안하고, 그렇게 생각하는 사람들은 아마 공부쪽에 발 안들여본 소위말하는 평민또는 하층민일 가능성이 높다. 히 치위생사자격증이 비빌수있는 난이도가아니죠. 히 치위생사자격증이 비빌수있는 난이도가아니죠.

원장님한테 치이고 같은 스탭들 간호조무사나 치위생사한테 치임 근데 거기에 플러스되는게환자한테도 치인다는것 고객을 대하는 직업이라면 알건데 회사사람들하고 부닥치는것도 충분히 스트레스인데 환자들도 대해야되니까 스트레스를 많이 받음.. 내신 45등급 따리들은 치위생가는것도 나쁘지 않음.. 치위생사는 편의점 알바보다 노동강도 높은데 돈 못범 절대로 치위생과는 가지마라 몸도 정신도 상하는 직업이다 대학교 나와서 알바하는거랑 똑같다.. 치과의사의 현실을 잘 보여주는 영상 치의학 갤러리..

룩업 피규어 뜻

원장님한테 치이고 같은 스탭들 간호조무사나 치위생사한테 치임 근데 거기에 플러스되는게환자한테도 치인다는것 고객을 대하는 직업이라면 알건데 회사사람들하고 부닥치는것도 충분히 스트레스인데 환자들도 대해야되니까 스트레스를 많이 받음. 대신 취업하고 본인을 갈아야 스스로 급여든 커리어든 높아짐. 내가 치위생사년 거르는 이유 코스피 마이너 갤러리.

합격률 20퍼인 자격증인데요 전기기사의 기본중에기본문제인데 감. 현실적으로 3후반4후반까지는 노려보는 것도 괜찮다고 생각함. 보건대 쪽으로 유명한 학과는 방사선 치료과, 치기공과, 치위생과, 장례. 치과의사의 현실을 잘 보여주는 영상 치의학 갤러리, 치과병의원은 물론 보건소, 학교보건실, 치과기자재 회사, 건강보험심사평가원 등 다양한 선택지가 있거든요. 몸도 지치고, 마음도 힘들고, 무엇보다 급여가 낮다.

Com › board › dentalhygienist아 변태 너무많아 치위생사 마이너 갤러리, 시험이 어렵다는분 보세요 치위생사 마이너 갤러리. 치위생사 자격증을 취득하면 취업 자체는 어렵지 않아요, 치위생사는 편의점 알바보다 노동강도 높은데 돈 못범 절대로 치위생과는 가지마라 몸도 정신도 상하는 직업이다 대학교 나와서 알바하는거랑 똑같다. 치위생사가 적기때문이다 그럼 치위생사가 적은이유가 뭘까.

룩업 피규어 일본어

치위생사 경우, 채용시장 국한개인병원 취업대학병원, 안정적인근무시간, 전문직종, 낮은연봉, 현실적으로 3후반4후반까지는 노려보는 것도 괜찮다고 생각함. 여건이 좋진 않지만 그래도 취업률 최상위권이고, 월급도 왠만함 중소기업따리 보단 많이 read more. 현재 고3 깽문과와 치위생학과 고민하고 있다면 뭐가 좋을까요 탈임상하시고 너무 별로인 원장님 만나시는 분들도 많다길래요 고년차는 연봉 동결이라고. 서울 치위생사 2년차 실수령 220 적은거임.

루코 디시 치위생사는 편의점 알바보다 노동강도 높은데 돈 못범 절대로 치위생과는 가지마라 몸도 정신도 상하는 직업이다 대학교 나와서 알바하는거랑 똑같다. Com › board › dentalhygienist아 변태 너무많아 치위생사 마이너 갤러리. 히 치위생사자격증이 비빌수있는 난이도가아니죠. 치위생사 자격증을 취득하면 취업 자체는 어렵지 않아요. 합격률 20퍼인 자격증인데요 전기기사의 기본중에기본문제인데 감. 리틀레니 섹트

릴라 냥 얼굴 하지만 대부분은 치과의원으로 가게 되고, 여기서부터 진짜 현실이 시작돼요. 5시간이 대세야 ㅋㅋ거짓말같으면 덴탈잡이라고 치과. 합격률 20퍼인 자격증인데요 전기기사의 기본중에기본문제인데 감. 30살정도돼서 8년차정도되면 최소 300정도고 복지존나따져서 안좋으면 안옴. 여건이 좋진 않지만 그래도 취업률 최상위권이고, 월급도 왠만함 중소기업따리 보단 많이 받음. 롤 크라운 근황

롯폰기 데리헤루 내신 45등급 따리들은 치위생가는것도 나쁘지 않음. 졸업후 치위생사가 됬다 취업이쉬웠다 왜일까. 히 치위생사자격증이 비빌수있는 난이도가아니죠. 치위생사 자격증을 취득하면 취업 자체는 어렵지 않아요. Com › board › dentalhygienist아 변태 너무많아 치위생사 마이너 갤러리. 리사누드

루시 폭스 치위생사 진짜 아닌가욤 치위생사 마이너 갤러리. 치위생사의 단점은 큰 병원은 티오가 거의 없다는것과 나이들면 못한다는거. 치위생사는 편의점 알바보다 노동강도 높은데 돈 못범 절대로 치위생과는 가지마라 몸도 정신도 상하는 직업이다 대학교 나와서 알바하는거랑 똑같다. 그 누구도 공부좀했네 라고 생각안하고, 그렇게 생각하는 사람들은 아마 공부쪽에 발 안들여본 소위말하는 평민또는 하층민일 가능성이 높다. 치위생사 진짜 아닌가욤 치위생사 마이너 갤러리.

로벅스 무료 코드 하지만 대부분은 치과의원으로 가게 되고, 여기서부터 진짜 현실이 시작돼요. 치위생사는 편의점 알바보다 노동강도 높은데 돈 못범 절대로 치위생과는 가지마라 몸도 정신도 상하는 직업이다 대학교 나와서 알바하는거랑 똑같다. 치위생사가 적기때문이다 그럼 치위생사가 적은이유가 뭘까. 30살정도돼서 8년차정도되면 최소 300정도고 복지존나따져서 안좋으면 안옴. 치위생사의 단점은 큰 병원은 티오가 거의 없다는것과 나이들면 못한다는거.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.