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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

2019년에는 본인의 첫 야구응원을 시작하게 되었으며 sk. 551 likes, tiktok video from 겐지맨 @genjimaen 김도아 치어리더님의 특별한 퇴근길 순간을 만나보세요. Door has been with me for many years. Days ago 1825 303 0 계층 오피스룩 검스 김도아 치어리더 1사진 입사 1824 446 0 계층 정신적으로 엄청 지쳤다는 증거 6사진 신라 1824 1,134 0 연예 스테이씨 아이사 인스타 사진 배수민 1822 256 2 이슈 프랑스 200% 관세 11사진 미뉴에뜨 1821 1,077 0 연예 아이들 신곡.

김도아 치어리더가 대만에서 먹히는 이유ㅗㅜㅑ 한국 유부녀 Goat 둘 중 누구인가요.

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마이데일리 의정부 경기도 한혁승 기자 Kb손해보험 치어리더 김도아가 시선을 사로잡는 리허설을 선보였다.

Hours ago 스포츠 문화를 더욱 풍성하게 만드는 치어리더들의 매력을 가 현장에서 영상으로 담아 치얼up영상에서 전한다, 2019년 sk 와이번스에서 야구 응원 시작. 허영만x류수영x함연지, 3개월간의 국물 대장정.

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Hours Ago Kb원조 섹시깡패ㄷㄷ 260121 김도아 치어리더 직캠 자동차 새로 뽑은 남자들 특징 ㅋㅋㅋ 중국 기차 35시간 타기 ㅋㅋ 손종원 셰프의 스승이 궁금하다는 최현석 셰프 Shorts 냉장고를부탁해 진짜 객관적으로 평가해줘 선물 포장할때 엄마vs나ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 엄마와나.

연예김도아 치어리더 화장 연하게 한 리허설 사진. ㅇㅎ 치어리더 원탑 신세계 김도아 유머움짤이슈, 엑스포츠뉴스 장충, 김한준 기자 26일 오후 서울 장충체육관에서 열린 ‘도드람 20242025 v리그’ 우리카드와 kb손해보험의 경기, 김도아 치어리더가 열띤 응원을 선보이고 있다.

히토미 정장 ㅇㅎ 치어리더 원탑 신세계 김도아 유머움짤이슈. 김도아 치어리더는 2018년 의정부 kb손해보험 스타즈를 시작으로 다양한 종목에서 활약하며 치어리더로서 입지를 다졌습니다. 10 2001 ssg 김도아 치어리더 상대팀이 견제구 던졌을때. 마이데일리 의정부경기도 한혁승 기자 kb손해보험 치어리더 김도아가 시선을 사로잡는 리허설을 선보였다. 엑스포츠뉴스 장충, 김한준 기자 26일 오후 서울 장충체육관에서 열린 ‘도드람 20242025 v리그’ 우리카드와 kb손해보험의 경기, 김도아 치어리더가 열띤 응원을 선보이고 있다. 히토미 번역본

히토미 페미 Kr 화장 연하게 한 김도아 치어리더 1mo 2 오현석 참 별개다 이슈다 1mo 1 정지연 ㅎㄷㄷ 1mo 김유련 ㅁㅊ ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 1mo. And right here in this magnificent area, we have a chair. 아니 다 필요없고 김도아 논란 설명해삼 유튜브 봐도 모르겠. 아니 다 필요없고 김도아 논란 설명해삼 유튜브 봐도 모르겠. 지금은 대만 시간으로 1224입니다 당신의 생일을 축하합니다😊🎂 항상 건강하세요 @doa_1224 ssg ssg登陸者 ssg랜더스 ssglanders 啦啦隊 치어리더 김도아 김도아치어리더 incheon 韓國 korea baseball baseballlife 野球 応援 野球好きな人と繋がりたい cheerleader. 히토미 식인

히토미 포르치오 안지현 치어리더 왈 무조건 대만 진출한다고 성공하는 건 아니지만 그래도 대만 진출하는 게 우리나라 환경보다 낫다 왜냐하면 대만은 선수와 똑같이 치어리더도 연봉제 우리나라는 수당제라면 대만은 월급으로 받는 개념 프리랜서와 직장인 개념. 허영만x류수영x함연지, 3개월간의 국물 대장정. 김도아 치어리더는 2018년 의정부 kb손해보험 스타즈를 시작으로 다양한 종목에서 활약하며 치어리더로서 입지를 다졌습니다. 연예김도아 치어리더 화장 연하게 한 리허설 사진. 엑스포츠뉴스 장충, 김한준 기자 26일 오후 서울 장충체육관에서 열린 ‘도드람 20242025 v리그’ 우리카드와 kb손해보험의 경기, 김도아 치어리더가 열띤 응원을 선보이고 있다. ２４８６３４５

힙합보단 사랑 사랑보단 돈 나무위키 마이데일리 의정부경기도 한혁승 기자 kb손해보험 치어리더 김도아가 시선을 사로잡는 리허설을 선보였다. 안지현 치어리더 왈 무조건 대만 진출한다고 성공하는 건 아니지만 그래도 대만 진출하는 게 우리나라 환경보다 낫다 왜냐하면 대만은 선수와 똑같이 치어리더도 연봉제 우리나라는 수당제라면 대만은 월급으로 받는 개념 프리랜서와 직장인 개념. 220803 삼성라이온즈 김하연 치어리더 run2u tak remix 1 мин 36 с. 김도아 치어리더는 2018년 의정부 kb손해보험 스타즈를 시작으로 다양한 종목에서 활약하며 치어리더로서 입지를 다졌습니다. Days ago focus 金渡兒（kim doa 김도아 passionsisters 中信特攻 韓国チア 台湾チア 치어리더 cheerleader 台湾チアtv fancam 2026125撮影.

히토미숫자 220803 삼성라이온즈 김하연 치어리더 run2u tak remix 1 мин 36 с. Com › @funny_jun07 › video김도아 치어리더 필터 영상 레전드 tiktok. 도아 논란 얘기하시는 분들 디엠 내용은 전화기 방향 바뀐걸로 조작으로 밝혀졌고 연애는 만 16세 이상이라서 법에 안 걸려요 ㅠㅠ. 2018년 의정부 kb손해보험 스타즈로 치어리더 데뷔. 마이데일리 의정부경기도 한혁승 기자 kb손해보험 치어리더 김도아가 시선을 사로잡는 리허설을 선보였다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.