Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Av 배우 프로필 미야자와 치하루 宮沢 みやざわ ちはる. 프로필 이름 미야자와 치하루 chiharu miyazawa, 宮沢ちはる 생년월일 1996년 5월 12일 키 150cm 가슴 사이즈 b컵 쓰리 사이즈 b80w58h76 cm 혈액형 o형 출생지 사이타마현 취미 특기 네일아트 데뷔 2017년 01월. 719mag025 온라인 시청, chiharu miyazawa, av배우. 오츠 앨리스와 미야자와 치하루 japan fetish fusion strix 초박형 팬티로 보지를 두근하는 의사의 일기.

미야자와 치하루 생년월일1996년 11월30일 신체사이즈 b80w58h76 150cm 데뷔 2016년 한줄평 데뷔하기전 요양시설의 영양사로 일하고있던 치하루 였으며 당시 5년정도 교제하던 남자친구에게 빌린돈을 갚기 위해 데뷔하게되었다고 되었습니다.. 개인적으로 미야자와 치하루의 외모는 작품에서 볼때 보다 마시멜로 3d+ 활동을 할때에 더 괜찮아 보였습니다.. 프로필이름 미야자와 치하루 chiharu miyazawa, 宮沢ちはる 출생일 1996년 05월 12일 출생지 사이타마현 키 150cm 사이즈 b80 w58 h76 b 혈액형 o형 취미 네일아트 특기 데뷔 2016년 12월.. 한글자막 dvaj445 미야자와 치하루 chiharu miyazawa, 宮沢ちはる 끝 쪽 3cm까지는 삽입시켜 주는 누나와의 아슬아슬한 상간 미만 생활..

규리 김윤태

그록 정액

기승위 에 특화된 기술을 구사한다고도 정평이 나 있다. 미야자와 치하루 가사도우미로 일하기 시작한 와이프. 62미야자와 치하루 』작품을 통해 데뷔하였다.

한글자막 dvaj445 미야자와 치하루 chiharu miyazawa, 宮沢ちはる 끝 쪽 3cm까지는 삽입시켜 주는 누나와의 아슬아슬한 상간 미만 생활, 기승위 에 특화된 기술을 구사한다고도 정평이 나 있다, 엣페치루는 페티쉬에 특화된 걸그룹으로 미야자와 치하루는 쇄골 페티쉬를 담당했다. 메인 테마는 아나루로 매력적인 스토리이다. 그녀의 다양한 작품의 세계로 초대합니다.

미야자와 치하루 기승위에 특화된 성인 vr의 여왕.. Av 배우 프로필 미야자와 치하루 宮沢 みやざわ ちはる..

기나트 뜻

공수가 모두 뛰어난 av 배우로 작품마다 다양한 매력이 스매들어있네요. 미야자와 치하루는 2023년 1월 11일에 본인의 트위터 계정을 통해 은퇴를 발표했으며 av 업계에 대한 고마움과 팬들에 대한 고마움, 그리고 소속사 사무실에 대한. 미야자와 치하루 1996년 출생 2017년 데뷔 2023년 은퇴 av 여배우 사이타마현 출신 인물. 미야자와 치하루의 첫 아나루 작품으로 스토리가 있어서 더욱 재미있다, 미야자와 치하루 av 온라인 보기 missav. 미야자와 치하루는 연기력이 꽤 좋기 때문에 배역도 다양하게 연기하고 있으며, vr 여왕이라는 이명을 갖고 있을 정도로 vr 쪽에서도 유명합니다 그리고 정말 참 예명이 많다는 건 좀 번거롭네요 _.

미야자와 치하루 출연 av를 온라인으로 감상하세요. 개인적으로 미야자와 치하루의 외모는 작품에서 볼때 보다 마시멜로 3d+ 활동을 할때에 더 괜찮아 보였습니다, 같은 해 아이돌 그룹 마시마로 3d에 합류했다. Digigra chiharu miyazawa 미야자와 치하루 photoset 03.

7k views 4 years ago more, 미야자와 치하루 은퇴식에서 저 티셔츠를 제작해서 배포해주신 팬클럽 회장님의 실제 직업이 모 학교 교장선생님이라고 해서 엄청 웃었던 기억이 있다. Sspd174 미야자와 치하루 은퇴 작품 여교사 레 프 광란의 방과, 宮沢ちはる 프로필 생년월일 1996년 11월 30일 신장 150 cm.

1 『 새로운 여염집 처녀, 빌리겠습니다, 엣페치루는 페티쉬에 특화된 걸그룹으로 미야자와 치하루는 쇄골 페티쉬를 담당했다. 엣페치루는 페티쉬에 특화된 걸그룹으로 미야자와 치하루는 쇄골 페티쉬를 담당했다.

금딸 외모 Av 배우로서 여고생부터 주부까지 폭넓은 역할을 소화했고, 특히 기수 연기로 유명했습니다. 미야자와 치하루 출연 품번 미야자와 치하루 은퇴 작품 여교사 레○프 광란의 방과후. 엣페치루는 페티쉬에 특화된 걸그룹으로 미야자와 치하루는 쇄골 페티쉬를 담당했다. Com › postcats › 48한글자막 dvaj445 미야자와 치하루 chiharu miyazawa, 宮沢. 미야자와 치하루, 최근 품번evis570 2025년 01월 07일 출시 대표장르미소녀, 기타 페티쉬, 질내사o, m녀, vr전용, 마조히스트, 페라, 간지럼 총 작품수568. 기생충 sex

그록 삭제 이름 미야자와 치하루 宮沢みやざわちはる, chiharu miyazawa 출생지 일본 사이타마현 생년월일 1996년 5월 12일 26세 신장 150cm 혈액형 o형 쓰리 사이즈 b80 w58 h81 cm 브래지어 사이즈 b컵 취미 네일, 요리 소속사 cruse group 배우경력 2017년 3월 2023년 12월 2017년 3월에 프레스티지에서 데뷔하여 2023년까지. 프로필 이름 미야자와 치하루 chiharu miyazawa, 宮沢ちはる 생년월일 1996년 5월 12일 키 150cm. 풀영상 chiharu miyazawa 포르노 비디오 야동 xhamster. 데뷔 후 행적 미야자와 치하루는 2016년 12월에 nax 프로모션소속으로 프레스티지에서 데뷔를 하였습니다. 그녀의 다양한 작품의 세계로 초대합니다. 귀칼카나오

금화 비키니 디시 Com › xyzinfo › 223347773562미야자와 치하루 chiharu miyazawa 宮沢ちはる 네이버 블로그. 프로필 이름 미야자와 치하루 chiharu miyazawa, 宮沢ちはる, 와카츠키 카즈미 kazumi wakatsuki. 2019년 2월에는 아이돌 유닛 후치치루를 결성하여 활동을 하였으며, 같은 해 10월 부터는 아이돌 그룹 마시멜로 3d+의 연구생이 됩니다. 宮沢ちはる, みやざわちはる miyazawa chiharu birth_1996. Av 배우 프로필 미야자와 치하루 宮沢 みやざわ ちはる. 그록 매운맛 디시

그녀의암캐갤 미야자와 치하루 chiharu miyazawa 宮沢ちはる みやざわ ちはる 미야자와 치하루,chiharu miyazawa,宮沢ちはる,みやざわ ちはる,bloodo,birth1996. 기승위 에 특화된 기술을 구사한다고도 정평이 나 있다. Net › actress › 1038396미야자와미야자와 치하루의 최신작 & 프로필 miyazawa chiharu, 宮沢ちはる. 미야자와 치하루 av 온라인 보기 missav. 프로필 이름 미야자와 치하루 chiharu miyazawa, 宮沢ちはる 생년월일 1996년 11월 30일 키 150c.

금화 남친 인플 루 언서 Chiharu miyazawa 사와미야 치하루 와카츠키 카즈미. 미야자와 치하루 chiharu miyazawa 19961130 31 150 cm b80w58h76 cm. 미야자와 치하루 생년월일1996년 11월30일 신체사이즈 b80w58h76 150cm 데뷔 2016년 한줄평 데뷔하기전 요양시설의 영양사로 일하고있던 치하루 였으며 당시 5년정도 교제하던 남자친구에게 빌린돈을 갚기 위해 데뷔하게되었다고 되었습니다. 2017년부터 2023년까지 꾸준히 활동한 av 배우 미야자와 치하루 宮沢ちはる가 은퇴를 발표했습니다. 미야자와 치하루 가사도우미로 일하기 시작한 와이프.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.