이슈 블랙핑크 콘서트에 간 배우 노윤서.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

미술 전공한 20대 배우 고윤정, 노윤서, 한소희 그림. 심사위원 윤석진 드라마평론가는 일타 스캔들 전도연과 정경호 사이에서 재미를 높여준 건 딸 노윤서의 존재. 기사뉴스 단독노윤서, 지금 우리 학교는 시즌2 女주인공 7,055 41 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 이슈 노윤서 데뷔전 광고모델 시절 윙블링, 아임미미.

노윤서 진짜 분위기 미쳤당 은애도적 짹에서 봤는데 웹툰 소개에서도 삭제된 부분 있대 사랑통역 주호진 최애 짤드컵 64강 19조 난 브리저튼1도 곁가지 많다고 생각.

이슈 블랙핑크 콘서트에 간 배우 노윤서.. 스포츠조선 문지연 기자 배우 홍경과 노윤서가 청설 한국판 리메이크의 주인공이 된다..

잡담 청설 어제 크랭크업 때 홍경 노윤서 &김민주 1,658 6.

Net › square › 3089389053더쿠 단독노윤서, 지금 우리 학교는 시즌2 女주인공, 지금껏 작품에서 보여주지 않은 새로운 모습으로 찾아올 예정이다, 이슈 미술 전공한 20대 배우 고윤정, 노윤서, 한소희 그림, 굉장히 좋은 분위기를 가졌다 생각하는 20대 여배우, 극중엔 안나왔는데 노윤서캐릭터 어릴때 운동한 유단자 설정이래ㅋㅋㅋㅋ. Net › square › 3477433488더쿠 최근 노윤서, 변우석.

29 7,396,344 공지 팁유용추천 더쿠에 쉽게 동영상을 올려보자. 심사위원 윤석진 드라마평론가는 일타 스캔들 전도연과 정경호 사이에서 재미를 높여준 건 딸 노윤서의 존재. 무명의 더쿠 1108 조회 수 8531, 무명의 더쿠 20250708 234253 리정이 소개시켜준거 아닐까. 이슈 지금 우리 학교는2 주연이라는 노윤서 8,444 19. 요새 국내해외팔로궁예들이 너무 많아서 그거가지고 해당 연예인 회사직원스탭들 더 나아가 가족지인들까지 엄청 괴롭혀서 저런 방침인 회사들 꽤 있다더라 신인들은 read more.

이슈 드라마 일타스캔들에 출연중인 배우 노윤서 남해이역 고등학교 졸업식때 사진 13,778 67 무명의 더쿠 Stheqoo.

일반 더쿠 펌 간장게장을 먹고 극락을 경험한 일본 유튜버 그 이후. 기사뉴스 단독노윤서, 지금 우리 학교는 시즌2 女주인공 7,055 41 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 기사뉴스 노윤서 롤모델은 전도연 선배, 진짜를 주는 멋진 배우라 닮고파 1,444 0 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo, 이슈 노윤서 데뷔전 광고모델 시절 윙블링, 아임미미.

☞2덬 노윤서 박지현 지난 백상에서 만나서 사진찍고 맞팔함ㅋㅋ 김민주 박지현은 딱히 나온거없엉ㅋㅋ. 심사위원 윤석진 드라마평론가는 일타 스캔들 전도연과 정경호 사이에서 재미를 높여준 건 딸 노윤서의 존재, 배우 노윤서는 2000년생으로 이화여자대학교 조형예술대학 서양화전공 했습니다, 노윤서 진짜 분위기 미쳤당 은애도적 짹에서 봤는데 웹툰 소개에서도 삭제된 부분 있대 사랑통역 주호진 최애 짤드컵 64강 19조 난 브리저튼1도 곁가지 많다고 생각.

강남에서 50만 원짜리 김밥의 이색적인 이유와 두쫀쿠 먹방을 경험하세요, 정보 처음 올라온 노윤서 & 홍경 투샷. 이대 서양화 전공인 배우 노윤서 일타스캔들 남해이. Net › square › 3469045193더쿠 노윤서 롤모델은 전도연 선배, 진짜를 주는 멋진 배우라 닮고.

이슈 미술 전공한 20대 배우 고윤정, 노윤서, 한소희 그림.

Net › square › 3098893451더쿠 지금 우리 학교는2 주연이라는 노윤서. 무명의 더쿠 20250708 234253 리정이 소개시켜준거 아닐까, Net › square › 2906390120더쿠 미술 전공한 20대 배우 고윤정, 노윤서, 한소희 그림. 무명의 더쿠 20260128 152813 비회원은 작성한 지 1시간 이내의 댓글은 읽을 수 없습니다, 얼굴 그대로다 한소희고윤정노윤서신예은, 고등학교 시절 사진 네이버 블로그 엔터 13,604개의 글 목록열기. Net › square › 2705046750더쿠 이대 서양화 전공인 배우 노윤서 일타스캔들 남해이.

오화요 신음 29 6,138,345 공지 팁유용추천 더쿠에 쉽게. 한편, 노윤서는 최근 열린 제61회 백상예술대상 with 구찌에서 영화 청설로 영화부문 여자 신인 연기상을 수상했다. 파리바게뜨는 브랜드를 대표하는 모델로 배우 노윤서를 발탁했다고 5일 밝혔다 파리바게뜨는 잘파세대 z세대+알파세대와 소통하고자 하는 브랜드의 지향점과 배우 노윤서의 청량하고 싱그러운 이미지가 부합해 모델로 발탁하게 됐다. Net › square › 3477433488더쿠 최근 노윤서, 변우석. 이슈 굉장히 좋은 분위기를 가졌다 생각하는 20대 여배우 8,086 24 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 외이도염 후시딘 디시

오성진 디시 강남에서 50만 원짜리 김밥의 이색적인 이유와 두쫀쿠 먹방을 경험하세요. 노윤서 진짜 분위기 미쳤당 은애도적 짹에서 봤는데 웹툰 소개에서도 삭제된 부분 있대 사랑통역 주호진 최애 짤드컵 64강 19조 난 브리저튼1도 곁가지 많다고 생각. Net › square › 2935419633더쿠 블랙핑크 콘서트에 간 배우 노윤서. Net › square › 2705046750더쿠 이대 서양화 전공인 배우 노윤서 일타스캔들 남해이. Jpg 54,585 427 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 와타라이 후 av

오츠 아리사 파리바게뜨의 브랜드 모델 발탁은 2016년 이후 7년 만으로. 영화에서도 ㅈㄴ 먹힐얼굴 진짜 매력있다. Jpg 8,609 19 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 단독노윤서, 지금 우리 학교는 시즌2 女주인공. Net › square › 2705046750더쿠 이대 서양화 전공인 배우 노윤서 일타스캔들 남해이. 올 데프 애니 디시

오보코주 배우 노윤서는 2000년생으로 이화여자대학교 조형예술대학 서양화전공 했습니다. 지우학은 좀비 바이러스가 퍼진 한 고등학교에 고립된. Jpg 13,601 38 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 드라마 우리들의 블루스2021로 데뷔해 영화. Days ago 잡담 포핸즈 짹에서 봤는데 학교에서 찍나봐 61 0.

오현경 fc2 이슈 굉장히 좋은 분위기를 가졌다 생각하는 20대 여배우 8,086 24. 특히 이정재는 1995년 sbs 모래시계와 영화 젊은 남자로 같은 해 신인상 2관왕 기록을 세웠다. Keywords 강남 김밥 50만 원, 두쫀쿠 먹방, 이색 먹거리 read more. 스포츠조선 문지연 기자 배우 홍경과 노윤서가 청설 한국판 리메이크의 주인공이 된다. 한편, 노윤서는 최근 열린 제61회 백상예술대상 with 구찌에서 영화 청설로 영화부문 여자 신인 연기상을 수상했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.