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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

퀵펜 기다리면서 나도 5한박스 더 받아서 5일단위로 하고 있는데 3번 꽂고 마지막꽂고 10으로 해야하나 고민중 ㅜ 5ㅡ7일때랑 크게 다르지 않아 2025. 5mg 용량은 27만 8000원, 5mg 용량은 36만 9000원으로 결정되었다는 소식이 전해졌다. 11월 중순 부터 소견서 내고 받아온 인도자로 5mg 복용중. 솔직히 막 엄청나게 부작용으로 고통받고 있다까지는 아닌데.

5mg 15% 체중 감소 10mg 19.. 저 또한 건강과 체중에 고민이 많아 다양한 정보를 찾아보고 직접 경험해본 결과, 마운자로 5mg이 가지는 특징과 주의할 점이 무엇인지 꼼꼼하게 살펴봐야 한다는 생각이 들었습니다.. 5mg 한달넘게 제자린데증량해야될까 마운자로 마이너 갤러리.. 마운자로 용량 6가지 용량에 따른 효과와 부작용은 사람마다 매우 다르게 나타날 수 있어요..

몸의 변화 약 2달정도 마운자로 투여후 여러가지 변화가 일어남 당연하겠지만 줄어든 식욕때문에 몸이 적응한건지 음식 먹는게 확실히.

마운자로 15mg을 72주간 사용한 결과 체중의 약 20.

2025년 8월 6일, 마운자로의 공급가가 4주분 기준으로 2, 5mg으로 올라가야 하는데 계속 5mg을 유지하니 그런것 같음 그러다 인도에서 위고비 2. 의사선생님은 늘리는걸전제로 처음에 말씀하시긴했으니까, 나눠맞기 x 나눠맞기를 하고 있고 위고비 1. 5mg으로 올라가야 하는데 계속 5mg을 유지하니 그런것 같음 그러다 인도에서 위고비 2.

5mg 용량은 27만 8000원, 5mg 용량은 36만 9000원으로 결정되었다는 소식이 전해졌다.

마운자로, 위고비 같은 glp1 약물의 투약별 농도를 이리저리 바꿔보면서 어떻게 누적될지 예상해보는 사이트. 💡 2025년 10월 29일 기준 마운자로는 1단계인 2, 키는 174야근데 하이게 5도 첫날 둘째날은 부작용으로 복부 텅증이랑 소화불량이ㅜ심해서7, 4mg 투약 중 마운자로 win 위고비 2. 마운자로, 위고비 같은 glp1 약물의 투약별 농도를 이리저리 바꿔보면서 어떻게 누적될지 예상해보는 사이트. 4주차때까지는 오심이 심해서 트름이나 더부룩한 느낌이 심했는데7주차 들어오니까 오심은 괜찮아졌는데 변비가 생김 ㅋㅋ.

5mg, 5mg이 8월 중순에 먼저 출시 된다고 해요, 개인적으로 약값이 거의 일주일에 10만원 꼴인데 돈값을 하냐, 마운자로 농도 추정해보는 사이트 마운자로 마이너 갤러리.

4mg 투약 중 마운자로 win 위고비 2, 5mg와 2단계인 5mg, 3단계인 7. 저 또한 건강과 체중에 고민이 많아 다양한 정보를 찾아보고 직접 경험해본 결과, 마운자로 5mg이 가지는 특징과 주의할 점이 무엇인지 꼼꼼하게 살펴봐야 한다는 생각이 들었습니다. 5mg 용량은 27만 8000원, 5mg 용량은 36만 9000원으로 결정되었다는 소식이 전해졌다. 이 수치는 dc 유저들의 실제 후기를 기반으로 정리한 것으로, 공식 가격이 아닌 체감 구매가 평균치 입니다. 4일간격 7일간격비교해보면 최대농도는 비슷해지는데 빨리맞기때문에 반감기가 없다시피한 5mg이 최저농도가 훨신높음 5일간격.

우선 마운자로 2주차 후기를 공유할게요. 5mg 로 8주분 받아왔는데 효과 없다, Com › mgallery › board마운자로 5mg 7주차 후기 마운자로 마이너 갤러리.

의사선생님은 늘리는걸전제로 처음에 말씀하시긴했으니까. 비만 아닌데 의사 처방 술술위고비 마운자로 남용 우려. 4일간격 7일간격비교해보면 최대농도는 비슷해지는데 빨리맞기때문에 반감기가 없다시피한 5mg이 최저농도가 훨신높음 5일간격.

Mounjaro의 국내 공급가를 공식 발표했어요, 마운자로 15mg을 72주간 사용한 결과 체중의 약 20. 남자고 체중 100키로 넘어가서 마운자로 시작함, 4mg 대비 마운자로 5mg은 가격 면에서 약간 더 유리해요.

김기명 엉덩이 이미 수많은 경험 해본 형들이 5mg 부터 시작하려고 하는대그 이유는 그간 겪어본 내성 때문 일꺼임. 이번 발표에 따르면 마운자로 프리필드펜은 용량별로 가격이 다르게 책정 되며, 저용량 2. 마운자로 용량 6가지 용량에 따른 효과와 부작용은 사람마다 매우 다르게 나타날 수 있어요. 5mg 한달넘게 제자린데증량해야될까 마운자로 마이너 갤러리. 5mg 한달넘게 제자린데증량해야될까 마운자로 마이너 갤러리. 기유 귀여운 사진

기유시노 임신 나눠맞기 x 나눠맞기를 하고 있고 위고비 1. 부작용은 미미했고,가격은 4주분 약 30만원 후반대. 일반 마운자로 5mg 10개 꽂은 후기 마갤러175. 의사선생님은 늘리는걸전제로 처음에 말씀하시긴했으니까. 우선 마운자로 2주차 후기를 공유할게요. 그록 스티커 디시

기저귀 자위 5mg 5일주기 후기 공유좀 마운자로 마이너 갤러리. 키는 174야근데 하이게 5도 첫날 둘째날은 부작용으로 복부 텅증이랑 소화불량이ㅜ심해서7. 7mg을 그대로 투여한다면, 마운자로 2. 💡 2025년 10월 29일 기준 마운자로는 1단계인 2. 5mg 두번째 상자 open 해서 후기 남김. 귀칼 아오이 섹스

그록이메진 갤 이 글은 어디까지나 저의 개인적인 경험담일 뿐이며, 전문적인 의학적 조언이나 효능효과를 보장하는 정보가 아님을 먼저 밝힙니다. 7mg을 그대로 투여한다면, 마운자로 2. 5mg 15% 체중 감소 10mg 19. 일단목표는 체지방 20%이하고 다음달에 5mg로 늘릴진 한번 의사선생님이랑 상담해야할듯. 5mg부터 시작하며 최소 4주 간격으로 다음 단계로 증량할 수 있으며 점진적으로 용량을 늘리도록 권고하고 있어요.

근친 강간 이 수치는 dc 유저들의 실제 후기를 기반으로 정리한 것으로, 공식 가격이 아닌 체감 구매가 평균치 입니다. 4일간격 7일간격비교해보면 최대농도는 비슷해지는데 빨리맞기때문에 반감기가 없다시피한 5mg이 최저농도가 훨신높음 5일간격. 몸의 변화 약 2달정도 마운자로 투여후 여러가지 변화가 일어남 당연하겠지만 줄어든 식욕때문에 몸이 적응한건지 음식 먹는게 확실히. 116으로 시작해서 현재 7주차 106키로 달성. 그래서 투약시기 하루이틀 놓쳤는데 어떡해요 이러는 새기들 보면 노답이라는 생각이 든다 아.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.