Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

회상 장면에서 그가 24살이라고 쳐봐. 스우파 가비 나이, 라치카 가비 키, 라치카 가비 혼혈 imagine. 화제의 mnet 프로 스트릿우먼파이터 댄서들의 나이를 차례로 정리해봤다. 20일 온라인 채널 코스모폴리탄 코리아에 공개된 인터뷰 영상에서 가비는 자신의 생각과 마인드를 진솔하게 풀어놓았습니다.

강남 다오 야동

시미즈, 리안, 가비로 이루어진 라치카는 피넛, 애이치원과 함께. 국적은 한국, 고향은 경기도 수원시 권선구 권선동 출생이며 혈액형 ab형이라고 합니다. 전참시 스트릿 우먼 파이터 댄서 가비. 본명 신지원, 예명 신가비, 국적 한국, 1993년 11월 3일생으로 나이 만 29살이네요, 가비는 토종 한국인으로 혼혈이라는 오해를 받지만 고향은 경기도 수원 출신입니다, 한편, 드디어 한자리에 모인 크루 라치카.

조이택은 1993년 생으로 가비와 동갑입니다, 28 988 6 맨유 맹지은이 아이유 빠니까 브로커 평 별로안좋게 나왔네. 가비 안무가 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 퀸가비 가비, 난소 나이 43살에 충격 난자 냉동할 것. 댄서 가비는 그동안 라디오스타, 유퀴즈 온더블럭 등 예능에 출연했구요.

28 988 6 맨유 맹지은이 아이유 빠니까 브로커 평 별로안좋게 나왔네.. 회상 장면에서 그가 24살이라고 쳐봐..

일반적으로 7만 개 이상을 갖고 있는데, 가비는 2만 개 이하라는 결과를 알렸다. Zoom 가비의 난소 나이가 공개됐다, 일단 사서 해보자 라는 생각으로 시작한 사업이 꽤 잘되고 있고. 댄서 가비 프로필 정보고향 학력 나이 퀸가비 본명 스우파 국적 유튜브 퀸가비의 주인공 댄서 가비에 대해 알아보겠습니다, Com › 418라치카 가비 나이 남자친구. 28 211 1 tottenham 개병신새끼 저격함 ㅋㅋ 28 피리부는이자음 2022.

거유 트윗

Madrid fc barcelona atlético valencia cf ita inter ac milan juventus f. 성인이 되고 작년에 ‘스우파’를 찍게 되면서 더 느꼈다. 회상 장면에서 그가 24살이라고 쳐봐. 선생님과 가비의 나이 차이 rfoundnbc.

가비 프로필 나이 학력 남자친구 스우파를 통해 많은 댄서들을 알게 되었고 그중에서도 라치카의 가비는 톡톡 튀는 매력으로 많은 사랑을 받기도 했었죠 오랜만에 가비 프로필과 나이 학력 남자친구 관련 정보를 정리해보겠습니다 라치카 가비 프로필 본명 신가비 출생지는 경기도 수원시 권선구. 본명은 신가비인데 개명전 이름은 신지원입니다, 라치카 가비 나이 인스타 시미즈 손대표의꿀팁 티스토리. 가비는 300만원으로 속눈썹 사업을 시작해 댄서들이 많이 사용하는 속눈썹을 판매하고 있다고합니다. 시미즈, 리안, 가비로 이루어진 라치카는 피넛, 애이치원과 함께.

그럼 가비보다 겨우 78살 많은 거잖아.. 현재로 넘어와서, 흰 수염에 거친 지하실 모습까지 더해지면, 선생님은..

가비 프로필 과거얼굴 몸매 결혼 남자친구 키 mbti 작품활동, 성인이 되고 작년에 ‘스우파’를 찍게 되면서 더 느꼈다. 감독이라는 새끼가 전반전 리드 후반전 중원 간격 따이고 우루루 실점하는거 45경기 봤으면 앵간히 고치려고 시도해야하지않냐. 댄서 가비는 그동안 라디오스타, 유퀴즈 온더블럭 등 예능에 출연했구요. 의사는 가비에 대해서 굳이 안 얼려도 잘 될 사람들에게는 꼭 하자고 안 한다라며, 난소 나이를 검사했는데 43세로 나왔다.

계백순 섹스

회상 장면에서 그가 24살이라고 쳐봐. 가비 안무가 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. Com › 498금쪽상담소 가비 ️성인adhd 스우파가비 댄서가비 가비나이 가비프로필.

거유 ai 28 211 1 토트넘 개병신새끼 저격함 ㅋㅋ 28 피리부는이자음 2022. 먼저 안무가 가비 프로필부터 보겠습니다. 퀸가비 가비, 난소 나이 43살에 충격 난자 냉동할 것. 댄서 가비 프로필 본명, 나이, 키, 고향, 학력, 결혼, 안무, 스우파 등. 댄서 가비는 그동안 라디오스타, 유퀴즈 온더블럭 등 예능에 출연했구요. 고라니율 벗방

검열 구닝 sotwe 가비는 전참시를 통해 매니저 김유민 씨를 공개하기도 했습니다. 가비 조이택 헤어짐 대하여 소속사는 사생활이기 때문에 확인이 불가능하다는 입장을 밝혔습니다. 가비의 고향은 경기도 수원시이며, 학력은 수원선일초등학교, 남수원중학교, 한림연예예술고등학교, 서울예술대학교입니다. 댄서 가비 프로필 본명, 나이, 키, 고향, 학력, 결혼, 안무, 스우파 등댄서 가비는 2021년 엠넷 댄서들이 출연하여 서바이벌을 펼치는 스우파의 라치카 크루의 리더로 출연하여 대중들에게 얼굴을 알리기 시작헀습니다. 감독이라는 새끼가 전반전 리드 후반전 중원 간격 따이고 우루루 실점하는거 45경기 봤으면 앵간히 고치려고 시도해야하지않냐. 갸루 만화 디시

감각차단 스킬을 얻었다 의사는 가비에 대해서 굳이 안 얼려도 잘 될 사람들에게는 꼭 하자고 안 한다라며, 난소 나이를 검사했는데 43세로 나왔다. 국적은 한국, 고향은 경기도 수원시 권선구 권선동 출생이며 혈액형 ab형이라고 합니다. 댄서 가비는 그동안 라디오스타, 유퀴즈 온더블럭 등 예능에 출연했구요. 스트릿우먼파이터 나이를 보면 댄서들 중 나이가 가장 많은 댄서는 프라우드먼의 모니카 36살, 나이가 가장 어린 댄서는 훅의 지연과 윤경으로 19살이다. 안싸우면 다행이야 무인도 우먼 파이터 아이키 가비 리정 리헤이 모니카 나이 프로필 무우파 53년 만에 나타난 박명수의 천적은 누구. 견자희 ai 음성 트위터

고라니율 짤티비 일반적으로 7만 개 이상을 갖고 있는데, 가비는 2만 개 이하라는 결과를 알렸다. 가비엔제이 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 방송인 가비가 자신만의 솔직한 매력과 최근 꽂힌 문구로 이목을 집중시켰습니다. 회상 장면에서 그가 24살이라고 쳐봐. ㅋ 출처 mbc 전지적 참견 시점 방송캡 토요일예능 전지적참견시점 스우파 라치카가비 장영란 가비집 가비이름 신가비 가비나이 라치카 전참시가비 인간비타민 오은영.

개꼴녀 2021년 방영된 스트릿 우먼 파이터를 통해 이름을 알린 라치카 가비입니다. 한편, 드디어 한자리에 모인 크루 라치카. 가비는 퀸가비에서 속이 후련해지는 순간이 많다며 평소 말을 가리지 않는 성격. 화제의 mnet 프로 스트릿우먼파이터 댄서들의 나이를 차례로 정리해봤다. 18 229 2 fc barcelona 걍 가비 니코가 싹수보이니까 배부른 소리하는것 같기도 함 5 지름신 2021.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.