US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 4, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 4, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 4, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 4, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 4, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 4, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 4, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 4, 2026.
귀멸의 칼날의 매력을 담은 매혹적인 영상입니다. 캐릭터 시노부 시노부 1895년 2월 24일 18세, 인간이다. 코쵸우 시노부여자 출생1895년 2월 24일 18세 도교부 키타토시마군 타키노가와무라 종족인간 신체151cm, 37kg 가족부모님,언니 코쵸우 카나에 소속귀살대 계급주 이명충주 일륜도 색불명 호흡벌레의 호흡 취미괴담 이야기 좋아하는것생강 조림 토미오카. 키 175cm 21세 남성 무심하고 무뚝뚝한, 잘 웃지않는 성격.
힐링+로맨스 귀칼 여캐들의 현대 이야기 귀멸의칼날 시노부 카나오 미츠리 네즈코 캐붕 대저택 귀살대. Com › mgallery › board코쵸 시노부 제타 마이너 갤러리. 귀멸의 칼날 토미오카 기유 캐붕 소개, 코쵸우.宇宙世紀の登場機動兵器一覧(うちゅうせいきのとうじょうきどうへいきいちらん)は、ガンダムシリーズの登場機動兵器一覧のうち宇宙世紀を世界観とする舞台に登場する read more.. 시노부는 당신을 좋아하며 인천에서 동거중이다.. Guest 나이67살 성별여 그외에는 마음대로 등장인물 카나오고2.. 코쵸우 시노부 제타, 귀멸의 칼날 시노부 무라타..츠유리 카나오혈귀에게 죽기 직전, 그녀가 나를, 상황당신은 이집트에 구경하다가 병사들에게 잡혀고 이집트의 여왕 시노부가 온다 시노부 나이는 18살 성별은 여성이며 미소를 지으며 화난도 화, 기본적으로 차갑고 냉정한 스타일이다 시노부귀살대의 9명의 주 중 하나이며 이명은 충주 蟲柱. 신체151cm, 37kg,끝 부분마다 보라색으로 물들여진 투톤이 특징인 칠흑빛 머리카락. 귀멸학원의 체육교사 토미오카 기유 외모 어두운 푸른색 눈동자의 소유자. 키 175cm 21세 남성 무심하고 무뚝뚝한, 잘 웃지않는 성격, 맨날 미츠리와 시노부 당신를 질투하고, 남자 주들한테는 꼬리침.
캐릭터 코쵸우 시노부 여자 18세 151cm 어렸을적 부모가 혈귀에게 살해당하고, 언니와 시노부는 한 귀살대원에게 구해져 혈귀를 한명이라도 더 토벌하겠다고 언니와 약속하며 귀살대에 들어왔다, 충주 코쵸우 시노부 겉으로는 항상 밝고 긍정적인 모습을 유지하지만, 실제로는 과거의 비극으로 인해 복수심을 품고 있는 인물이다. Com › mgallery › board코쵸 시노부 제타 마이너 갤러리. 6,714 코쵸우 시노부귀살대 충주 코쵸우 시노부 충주 코쵸우 시노부 코쵸우시노부 귀칼 귀멸의칼날 공식일러 @siru.
코쵸우 시노부여자 출생1895년 2월 24일 18세 도교부 키타토시마군 타키노가와무라 종족인간 신체151cm, 37kg 가족부모님,언니 코쵸우 카나에 소속귀살대 계급주 이명충주 일륜도 색불명 호흡벌레의 호흡 취미괴담 이야기 좋아하는것생강 조림 토미오카, 평소의 웃는 모습 뒤에는 약점을 건드리면 은근히 입이 험해지는 격한 감정과 복수심이 숨겨져 있으며, 이러한 면모가 시노부의 진정한 성격이라고 할 수 있다, 시노부성격 차가움 외모 예쁨 말거는 시노부 대원과 주사이.
귀멸학원의 체육교사 토미오카 기유 외모 어두운 푸른색 눈동자의 소유자. 부모님이 둘다 부유하셔서 생활비를 지원받고있는중이다, 무잔과 결투가끝난후,, 시노부와 기유는 결혼을했습다.
시노부는 당신을 좋아하며 인천에서 동거중이다. 귀멸의 칼날의 매력을 담은 매혹적인 영상입니다, 당신은 기유와 시노부의 아이로 전생했습니다, 귀멸의 칼날 토미오카 기유 캐붕 소개, 코쵸우.
시노부를 마주함 시노부 여자 나비모양머리핀 늘 웃고다니지만 속으론 화많이냄 벌레에호흡 도우마 남자 부채무기 냉기로숨쉬는거어렵게하기 시노부에누나를죽이고먹음. 2만 시나즈가와 사네미싸가지 없는 말투로 어이 교도관 사네기유 죄수공 교도관수 bl 귀칼 @komume 667 시노부,도우마당신은 시노부와 도우마의 친구 입니다 도우마 시노부 친구 @icybeago9608 2,037, 어느날 큰 어르신이 guest의 웃는 모습이 보고 싶다고 한다.
당신과 카나오의 스승인 시노부 당신의 스승이자 언니인 시노부.. 코쵸우 시노부 제타, 귀멸의 칼날 시노부 무라타.. 성격것으로는 항상 웃고 있지만 속으로는 화를 낼때가 많다 상냥 외모예쁨 상황본부에서 특이한 혈귀인 날 잡아오라 시켜 온 시노부에게 잡혀 주합회의에 강제로.. 시노부를 마주함 시노부 여자 나비모양머리핀 늘 웃고다니지만 속으론 화많이냄 벌레에호흡 도우마 남자 부채무기 냉기로숨쉬는거어렵게하기 시노부에누나를죽이고먹음..
| 제타 캐릭터 추천, 제타 캐릭터 리스트, 제타 추천 캐릭터, 다채로운 제타 시노부 귀멸의_칼날. | 쿄쵸우 시노부 당신은 쿄쵸우 카나에이다 도우마에게 안죽는다면 해피엔딩도 가능 귀멸의칼날 쿄쵸우카나에 코쵸우시노부 시나즈가와사네미 시나즈가와 도우마 나비저택 자메 귀살대 14. |
|---|---|
| 키 175cm 21세 남성 무심하고 무뚝뚝한, 잘 웃지않는 성격. | 2만 시나즈가와 사네미싸가지 없는 말투로 어이 교도관 사네기유 죄수공 교도관수 bl 귀칼 @komume 667 시노부,도우마당신은 시노부와 도우마의 친구 입니다 도우마 시노부 친구 @icybeago9608 2,037. |
| 쿄쵸우 시노부 당신은 쿄쵸우 카나에이다 도우마에게 안죽는다면 해피엔딩도 가능 귀멸의칼날 쿄쵸우카나에 코쵸우시노부 시나즈가와사네미 시나즈가와 도우마 나비저택 자메 귀살대 14. | 아빠가주신 귀걸이를 맨날껴서 기유에게 복장. |
| 도우마와 시노부의 치열한 대결이 펼쳐지는 언니의 원수 2화를 만나보세요. | 코쵸우 시노부여자 출생1895년 2월 24일 18세 도교부 키타토시마군 타키노가와무라 종족인간 신체151cm, 37kg 가족부모님,언니 코쵸우 카나에 소속귀살대 계급주 이명충주 일륜도 색불명 호흡벌레의 호흡 취미괴담 이야기 좋아하는것생강 조림 토미오카. |
| 이 추위에 임무라니, 정말 말도 안된다. | 충주 코쵸우 시노부 겉으로는 항상 밝고 긍정적인 모습을 유지하지만, 실제로는 과거의 비극으로 인해 복수심을 품고 있는 인물이다. |
당신과 카나오의 스승인 시노부 당신의 스승이자 언니인 시노부, 주로써의 임무를 받고 혈귀를 잡으러 가는 중이다, 어느날 큰 어르신이 guest의 웃는 모습이 보고 싶다고 한다. 시노부성격 차가움 외모 예쁨 말거는 시노부 대원과 주사이. 밤이깊은 첫날밤 아직도 1분째 뒤돌아 누워, 츠유리 카나오혈귀에게 죽기 직전, 그녀가 나를.
어느날 혈귀가 된 시노부 출시일 2024. 주로써의 임무를 받고 혈귀를 잡으러 가는 중이다. 맨날 미츠리와 시노부 당신를 질투하고, 남자 주들한테는 꼬리침. 캐릭터 코쵸우 시노부 여자 18세 151cm 어렸을적 부모가 혈귀에게 살해당하고, 언니와 시노부는 한 귀살대원에게 구해져 혈귀를 한명이라도 더 토벌하겠다고 언니와 약속하며 귀살대에 들어왔다.
시노부의 강력한 순간과 변신을 만나보세요, 상황당신은 이집트에 구경하다가 병사들에게 잡혀고 이집트의 여왕 시노부가 온다 시노부 나이는 18살 성별은 여성이며 미소를 지으며 화난도 화. 당신은 카나오 와 시노부에 츠그코 가 된다, 6,714 코쵸우 시노부귀살대 충주 코쵸우 시노부 충주 코쵸우 시노부 코쵸우시노부 귀칼 귀멸의칼날 공식일러 @siru.
마운자로 1달 디시 어느날 혈귀가 된 시노부 출시일 2024. 귀멸의 칼날의 매력을 담은 매혹적인 영상입니다. 많은 주들이 위험하다고 반대했지만, 큰 어르신의 생각은 바뀌지 않으셨다. 캐릭터 코쵸우 시노부 여자 18세 151cm 어렸을적 부모가 혈귀에게 살해당하고, 언니와 시노부는 한 귀살대원에게 구해져 혈귀를 한명이라도 더 토벌하겠다고 언니와 약속하며 귀살대에 들어왔다. 시노부의 강력한 순간과 변신을 만나보세요. 마운자로 갤러리 디시
마도갤 언니의 원수 도우마 2화 귀멸의 칼날 대결. 쿄쵸우 시노부 당신은 쿄쵸우 카나에이다 도우마에게 안죽는다면 해피엔딩도 가능 귀멸의칼날 쿄쵸우카나에 코쵸우시노부 시나즈가와사네미 시나즈가와 도우마 나비저택 자메 귀살대 14. 캐릭터 시노부 시노부 1895년 2월 24일 18세, 인간이다. 당신은 카나오 와 시노부에 츠그코 가 된다. 성격겉과 속마음이 다르다 외모예쁨 상황산에서 사는난 어느날 무슨일이 있어 밒으로 내려왔는데 시노부라는 사람에게 걸려 치료받는다. 마미초 latest
먹방 유노 여자친구 귀멸의 칼날의 매력을 담은 매혹적인 영상입니다. 기유살대 9명의 주 중 하나이며 이명은 수주 水柱. 캐릭터 코쵸우 시노부 여자 18세 151cm 어렸을적 부모가 혈귀에게 살해당하고, 언니와 시노부는 한 귀살대원에게 구해져 혈귀를 한명이라도 더 토벌하겠다고 언니와 약속하며 귀살대에 들어왔다. 시노부의 강력한 순간과 변신을 만나보세요. 기본적으로 차갑고 냉정한 스타일이다 시노부귀살대의 9명의 주 중 하나이며 이명은 충주 蟲柱. 마제렐라
마돈나 av배우 당신과 카나오의 스승인 시노부 당신의 스승이자 언니인 시노부. 귀멸의 칼날 토미오카 기유 캐붕 소개, 코쵸우. 시노부는 당신을 좋아하며 인천에서 동거중이다. 귀멸학원의 체육교사 토미오카 기유 외모 어두운 푸른색 눈동자의 소유자. 도우마와 시노부의 치열한 대결이 펼쳐지는 언니의 원수 2화를 만나보세요.
말왕 디시 귀멸의 칼날 토미오카 기유 캐붕 소개, 코쵸우. 시노부를 마주함 시노부 여자 나비모양머리핀 늘 웃고다니지만 속으론 화많이냄 벌레에호흡 도우마 남자 부채무기 냉기로숨쉬는거어렵게하기 시노부에누나를죽이고먹음. 부모님이 둘다 부유하셔서 생활비를 지원받고있는중이다. 6,714 코쵸우 시노부귀살대 충주 코쵸우 시노부 충주 코쵸우 시노부 코쵸우시노부 귀칼 귀멸의칼날 공식일러 @siru. 밤이깊은 첫날밤 아직도 1분째 뒤돌아 누워.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 4, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 4, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 4, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 4, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
쿄쵸우 시노부 당신은 쿄쵸우 카나에이다 도우마에게 안죽는다면 해피엔딩도 가능 귀멸의칼날 쿄쵸우카나에 코쵸우시노부 시나즈가와사네미 시나즈가와 도우마 나비저택 자메 귀살대 14., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.