Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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오늘 밤에 pc근육딸이안걸 처음 접했는데 하자마자 성공. 소변의 흐름을 조절하는 능력을 활용하면 사정도 쉽게 조절할 수 있다. 오늘 밤에 pc근육딸이안걸 처음 접했는데 하자마자 성공.

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처음에는 소변을 참을 때를 상상하며 비슷한 동작으로 실시하는 것이 좋다, 물론 주요부위에 자극없이 괄약근pc만으로 사정하기 정말 쉽지 않다, 결론은 같은데 접근하는 메커니즘이 다릅니다.

요즘 들어서, 내가 흥분할 때마다 pc 근육이 막 수축하기 시작하는데, 멈추기가 힘들어.. 소변을 보는중 까치발을 들고 소변끊기, 수건을 발기한 페니스에 얹혀놓고 들었다 내렸다 하기 등이 있다..

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일단 저는 애초에 신앙심으로 인해 음란물과 자위행위를 끊고자 하는 것이니, 신체적인 변화가 있든 없든 중요한 것이 아닙니다만,어쩄거나 서술해봅니다1, Pcmuscle incontinence prostatitis erectile dysfunction pcmu autodubbed 실버넷뉴스snn 5, 요령좀 오줌 싸다가 끊을때 사용하는 근육 bc 근육즉 발기할때 고츄 움직이는 근육을 이용해서조였다 풀었다 계속 반복하면 느끼는거라는데혹은 초보자는 pc bc 동시에 조였다 풀였다 하거나. 침대에서 누워서 애널 조였다 풀었다 하다보면 애널에 묘한 쾌감이 느껴지긴 하는데 절정까지 가본적은 없습니다, 아네로스를 주문하긴했는데 앉아있는 시간이 길어 가끔 밖에서도 pc근 운동을 하는데 이걸로도 드오가 가능한지.

Explore our build guides which cover systems for a variety of usecases and budgets. Com › watchhave you heard of the pc muscle. 그리고 소변도 힘이 많이 떨어지고 발기가 되어도 전에 비에 완전히 단단하게는 잘 안되고 하길래 걱정도, 일단 저는 애초에 신앙심으로 인해 음란물과 자위행위를 끊고자 하는 것이니, 신체적인 변화가 있든 없든 중요한 것이 아닙니다만,어쩄거나 서술해봅니다1.

독감 출근

드라이 오르가즘 개쩐다던데 뭘까 개드립 남자40대 여자20대 헌팅포차 생기면 장사 잘될까요, Pc근육으로 오르가즘을 느끼고자 하는 사람들을 위한 글 3, 물론 처음에는 어떠한 근육인지 모를텐데 감각은 오줌을 싸다가 끊을때 이용하는 근육이다, 물론 주요부위에 자극없이 괄약근pc만으로 사정하기 정말 쉽지 않다, Com › mgallery › board전립선염으로 고통받는 갤러들은 전부 필독해라 비뇨기과 마이너 갤, 거기 조이는 법은 아는거 같은데 조이면 기분이 좋긴한데 발기는 안되는데 원래 이런건가요.

도란 더쿠 Pc근육을 끊임없이 조였다 푸는 동작을 한 번에 20회 되풀이하는 게 좋다. 자위 이후 통증이 있는것은 너무 과도하게 해서 전립선 등의 무리가 와서 그렇습니다. 오늘 밤에 pc근육딸이안걸 처음 접했는데 하자마자 성공. Explore our build guides which cover systems for a variety of usecases and budgets. 이때 호흡이 가빠지지 않도록 주의, 깊고 천천히 호흡해 좋은 기분을 전신에. 디스패치 게임 디시

들박 태그 고정닉으로 등록한 이미지는 pc모바일 웹에서도 사용 가능합니다. Pc근육이라는 골반안쪽의 특수한 근육이 있는데 이를 발달시키면 손도 안대고 전립선을 자극하여 오르가즘을 느낄수 있다. 핸즈프리가 쥬지에 손을 안대고 사정하는거임즉 쥬지만 안만진다는거지 신체적으로는 딸치다가 사정하는거랑 똑같음이. 자위를 할 때에도 사정을 참는 연습을 해야 한다. Learn how to use the pc health check app to help you improve your device performance. 도로 끝나는 예쁜 단어

독감 출근 디시 그리고 소변도 힘이 많이 떨어지고 발기가 되어도 전에 비에 완전히 단단하게는 잘 안되고 하길래 걱정도. Learn how to use the pc health check app to help you improve your device performance. 전립선염에 대해선 네이버 검색만으로도 많이 나오니까 다들 기본내용은 알고 있을거라 본다 전립선염으로 고통받는 이들은 대부분 비세균성 염증 때문이고 10% 정도만 전립선 및 요도에 있어서는 안될 성병균이나 우리몸에 해. Have you heard of the pc muscle. 그니까 일단은 넣지 않은채로 pc근육딸 해보고, 그거로 감각이 오면 아네로스 넣은채로 해보고 최종적으로는 넣은채로 몸을 이완하면 pc근육이 알아서 움직여주는 경지에 달하는거임 그때부터 몸을 이완 하는거지 냅따 이완하면 안됨 ㅇㅇ. 뒤엉킨 사랑 중드 풀버전

드근드시 이때 호흡이 가빠지지 않도록 주의, 깊고 천천히 호흡해 좋은 기분을 전신에. 또 pc근육을 아주 천천히 조였다가 아주 천천히 푸는 동작도 추천한다. 요즘 들어서, 내가 흥분할 때마다 pc 근육이 막 수축하기 시작하는데, 멈추기가 힘들어. 저같은 경우 4년전인가 pc근육딸 딱 4번 시도해보고 1번만 성공했는데, 아네로스는 힘주는 게 아니라 이완하는 방법으로 성공했습니다. Pc근육으로 오르가즘을 느끼고자 하는 사람들을 위한 글 3.

독서실 javrank 일단 저는 애초에 신앙심으로 인해 음란물과 자위행위를 끊고자 하는 것이니, 신체적인 변화가 있든 없든 중요한 것이 아닙니다만,어쩄거나 서술해봅니다1. 그니까 일단은 넣지 않은채로 pc근육딸 해보고, 그거로 감각이 오면 아네로스 넣은채로 해보고 최종적으로는 넣은채로 몸을 이완하면 pc근육이 알아서 움직여주는 경지에 달하는거임 그때부터 몸을 이완 하는거지 냅따 이완하면 안됨 ㅇㅇ. 물론 처음에는 어떠한 근육인지 모를텐데 감각은 오줌을 싸다가 끊을때 이용하는 근육이다. 핸즈프리가 쥬지에 손을 안대고 사정하는거임즉 쥬지만 안만진다는거지 신체적으로는 딸치다가 사정하는거랑 똑같음이. Learn how to use the pc health check app to help you improve your device performance.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.