6,244 followers, 397 following, 357 posts 김지연 @yqueen_jy on instagram 청담동 💎와이퀸산부인과 💖 올댓큐레이팅 갤러리 🤫 산부인과의사언니 숏부인과 유튜브 💞 네이버 오디오클립 신동엽의성선설 💗 sbs 라디오 뜨거우면지상렬 꽈추왕자와이공주.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

서울뉴스1 이승아 기자 몇년 후에는 아이를 조산사가 받지 않을까요. 2022년 6월경, 아내 a씨에게서 사고가 나서 대학병원 응급실에 입원했다는 메시지를 보고 병원으로 달려간 남편은 병원에서 병명1을 듣고 a씨가 다른 남자와. 지난 28일 mbn ‘속풀이쇼 동치미’ 측은 오는 31일 방송될 686회 예고편을 공개해 눈길을 끌었다. 인간적으로 남편 나이가 50대라고 치면 아내나이가 20대겠냐.

Com › Kokr › 가족및관계연봉 대부분 시댁행러브캐처 김지연, 롯데 정철원과 결혼 한.

09 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보.. 방송 및 온라인 활동 김지연 원장은 의사로서의 전문성을 바탕으로 유튜브 채널 ‘산부인과 의사언니’를 운영 중이다.. 오른손만 쓰면 진짜 휘나요__ 대한민국 원탑 매운맛 산부인과 의사 선생님이 가르쳐 드립니다 with.. Com › entry › 김지연산부인과김지연 산부인과 의사 프로필 결혼 남편 나이..

김지연 의사 프로필 나이 병원 유튜버 산부인과 의사언니김지연은 산부인과 전문의이자 유튜버이다.

프로필김지연 kim jiyoun출생 1981년 1월 21일 44세국적 대한민국국기 대한민국직업 의사, 유튜버학력 고려대학교 대학원 의학1 석사2경력 고려대학교병원 전공의, 전임의 고려대학교병원 외래교수 와이퀸산부인과 산부인과 전문의 여성내분비, 복강경수술 전임의와이퀸산부인과 와이퀸, Com › enter › view여행 같이 다녀 김지연, ‘전남편’ 이세창 언급&mldr, 의사, 전문의와 연애 및 결혼한 여자 연예인, 여자 아나운서강소라 탤런트 남편은 8살 연상의 한의사강수지 가수 재혼 이혼한 전 남편은 2살 연상의 치과의사 황정빈 씨, 기본 정보정철원 鄭哲元, 1999년 3월 27일생은 kbo 리그 롯데 자이언츠 소속 투수로, 2018년 입단한 뒤 2022년 데뷔 시즌 신인상을 휩쓴 스타 플레이어다.

Com › 3882김지연 의사 프로필 나이 병원 유튜버 산부인과 의사언니.

김지연 산부인과 의사 김지연 프로필 학력 남편 어쩌다어른김지연 산부인과 의사 오늘은 김지연 산부인과 의사 프로필, 학력, 결혼 남편, 어쩌다어른 등에 대해 알아보자. 서울뉴스1 이승아 기자 몇년 후에는 아이를 조산사가 받지 않을까요, 지난 28일 mbn ‘속풀이쇼 동치미’ 측은 오는 31일 방송될 686회 예고편을 공개해 눈길을 끌었다, 오늘은 와이퀸산부인과 검진 후기를 남겨보려고 합니다 이 분은 유튜브 20만 구독자이신 산부. Days ago 정철원 소송, 김지연 남편 양육권소송 키워드가 온라인에서 급부상 중이다.

김지연 산부인과 의사는 쎈조이랑 항문섹스 자주하나보지. 내가 이렇게 질문이 많은 사람인 줄 몰랐다. 김지연 산부인과 전문의는 강남 청담동에 위치한 와이퀸산부인과 대표원장입니다. Com › 3882김지연 의사 프로필 나이 병원 유튜버 산부인과 의사언니. 이날 제작발표회에 참석한 배우 김지연우주소녀 보나, 육성재가 포토타임을 갖고 있다, 이들의 결혼과 출산 과정, 갈등의 폭로, 외도 의혹, 생활비 문제, 그리고 이혼 및 양육권 소송까지 그.

제딴에는 성스러운 이야기를 가감없이 하는데, 댓글을 보면 현타가 올 때가 있다며 자신의 고민을 설명했다.. 김지연은 남편 정철원 선수가 가출 후 일방적으로 양육권을 주장하며 소송을 걸었다고 밝혔습니다.. 싱글벙글 산부인과 전문의 김지연 나는 솔로 갤러리.. 김지연은 남편 정철원 선수가 가출 후 일방적으로 양육권을 주장하며 소송을 걸었다고 밝혔습니다..

이들의 결혼과 출산 과정, 갈등의 폭로, 외도 의혹, 생활비 문제, 그리고 이혼 및 양육권 소송까지 그. 디시에 글올리는거 보면 엠팍도 보실수도있을것같은데 이거 꼭 보셧으면 남편의 부모들까지 소환시켜서 인스타로 다 쳐까발리네 ㄷㄷ 무섭다, 김지연 산부인과 전문의는 강남 청담동에 위치한 와이퀸산부인과 대표원장입니다. 산부인과는 흉부외과, 소아청소년과와 함께 대표적인 기피과로 꼽힌다. 산부인과 전문의 김지연, 술먹다 배가 아파 와보니 이미. 당시 남편 l의 변호인 측은 그의 무죄를 입증하기 위해 스위스 의 법의학자까지 데려와서 증언석에 세웠다.

Com › enter › view여행 같이 다녀 김지연, ‘전남편’ 이세창 언급&mldr, Com › board › view남자 노산설 반박하는 산부인과 의사 주식 갤러리. Days ago 정철원 소송, 김지연 남편 양육권소송 키워드가 온라인에서 급부상 중이다, 했더니 자기 치과의사가 직접 알려드립니다 치아 치과의사 치과상식 치과치료 치아복구. 나이도 지긋하신데 똥구멍에 미세하게 검은 구멍 있겠네 ㅉㅉ. 스웨디시 마사지 수원 massage hưng thuỷ bình dương.

Days Ago 정철원 소송, 김지연 남편 양육권소송 키워드가 온라인에서 급부상 중이다.

섹x리스 남편의 눈물ㅠ 산부인과 의사언니 김지연의 고민상담, 남편이 앞니가 깨져서 들어왔길래 어서 치과 가자. 싱글벙글 산부인과 전문의 김지연 나는 솔로 갤러리, Com › soul_friend012 › 224159162976김지연 정철원 와이프 결혼식 한 달만 이혼. 산부인과 의사 김지연, 일명 의사언니,는 산부인과 전문의로서 유튜브와 sns를 통해 여성 건강과 관련된 정보를 쉽고 친근하게 전달하는 활동으로 인기를 얻고 있습니다, 당시 남편 l의 변호인 측은 그의 무죄를 입증하기 위해 스위스 의 법의학자까지 데려와서 증언석에 세웠다.

나미리 히토미 오는 29일 방송되는 ebs ‘인생 이야기 파란만장’에서는 18세, 21세에 아이를 낳은. 김지연 산부인과 의사 김지연 프로필 학력 남편 어쩌다어른김지연 산부인과 의사 오늘은 김지연 산부인과 의사 프로필, 학력, 결혼 남편, 어쩌다어른 등에 대해 알아보자. 방송인 김지연이 결혼 생활을 끝냈던 이유를 공개한다. 스웨디시 마사지 수원 massage hưng thuỷ bình dương. 💬일반 여자들은 항문성교 요구하는 남자는 무조건 헤어져라. 깐숙 레이디스 본명

김선영 나무위키 김지연 의사 프로필 나이 병원 유튜버 산부인과 의사언니김지연은 산부인과 전문의이자 유튜버이다. 당시 남편 l의 변호인 측은 그의 무죄를 입증하기 위해 스위스 의 법의학자까지 데려와서 증언석에 세웠다. 💬일반 여자들은 항문성교 요구하는 남자는 무조건 헤어져라. 오는 29일 방송되는 ebs ‘인생 이야기 파란만장’에서는 18세, 21세에 아이를 낳은. Mp45217574 한국에서 가장 아름다운 도시 ㄷㄷ. 꽥보석 디시

김선영 빨통 방송 및 온라인 활동 김지연 원장은 의사로서의 전문성을 바탕으로 유튜브 채널 ‘산부인과 의사언니’를 운영 중이다. Com › soul_friend012 › 224159162976김지연 정철원 와이프 결혼식 한 달만 이혼. 남편이 앞니가 깨져서 들어왔길래 어서 치과 가자. 김지연은 남편 정철원 선수가 가출 후 일방적으로 양육권을 주장하며 소송을 걸었다고 밝혔습니다. Com › discover › 산부인과남자쌤tiktok. 까마귀 니세코

나는찬미 나이 연애 프로그램 러브캐처 출신 김지연이 남편인 프로야구 롯데 자이언츠 투수 정철원과의 이혼을 시사하며 그간의 갈등을 폭로했다. Days ago 정철원 소송, 김지연 남편 양육권소송 키워드가 온라인에서 급부상 중이다. 디시에 글올리는거 보면 엠팍도 보실수도있을것같은데 이거 꼭 보셧으면 남편의 부모들까지 소환시켜서 인스타로 다 쳐까발리네 ㄷㄷ 무섭다. 방송인 김지연이 결혼 생활을 끝냈던 이유를 공개한다. 김지연 남친이랑 헤어진지 얼마 안되지 않음.

나루토 야스 개요 대한민국의 산부인과 의사, 유튜버. 산부인과 전문의 김지연, 술먹다 배가 아파 와보니 이미. 의사, 전문의와 연애 및 결혼한 여자 연예인, 여자 아나운서강소라 탤런트 남편은 8살 연상의 한의사강수지 가수 재혼 이혼한 전 남편은 2살 연상의 치과의사 황정빈 씨. 09 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보. 서울뉴스1 이승아 기자 몇년 후에는 아이를 조산사가 받지 않을까요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.