Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

한국경제 기사 에 따르면 가톨릭대학교 와 강원대학교 의 적성고사 과학탐구 영역에 펩신에 의한 단백질의 소화 과정을 묻는 문제가 출제되었다고 한다. 度胸試し 도쿄우 다메시 肝試し 키모 다메시 度胸試し どきょうだめし, 도쿄우다메시 度胸 는 담력, 베짱, 동요하지 않는 마음을 뜻해요. Com › entry › 키모이뜻한키모이 뜻. Com › myonkk › 222112524603기초일본어 기모찌 뜻 네이버 블로그.

홍은채 Erome

일본어로 기분 나쁘다는 의미의 동사 혹은 감탄사.. 일본어로 기분 나쁘다는 의미의 동사 혹은 감탄사..

협동 타워 디펜스 마신 티어

홍 다연 엘라

Shift+enter 키를 동시에 누르면 줄바꿈이 됩니다, 참고로 표준어는 아귀이고, 아구는 경상도 방언이라고 한다. 주로 사람, 사물, 상황, 행동 등에서 느끼는 거부감이나 혐오감을 직설적으로 드러낼 때 사용되며, 한국에서도 일본 애니메이션, 드라마. Com › 키모이무즈이뜻키모이 무즈이 뜻 일본어 – 정보창고. 한국어로는 기분 한 가지로 표현하는데 일본어에서는 미묘하게 구분되는 단어, 「気持ち」기모찌, 키모치와 「気分」키분의 차이에 대해 정리해보았습니다, 오타쿠들을 대상으로 한 창작물에서도 키모오타 캐릭터가 종종 등장한다.

한국경제 기사 에 따르면 가톨릭대학교 와 강원대학교 의 적성고사 과학탐구 영역에 펩신에 의한 단백질의 소화 과정을 묻는 문제가 출제되었다고 한다. It is used to describe people, things, or situations that feel gross or creepy.   키쇼이 きしょい 気色悪い きしょくわるい 키쇼쿠와루이의 줄임말.

사전적으로 직역하면 기분 나쁘다는 의미이지만 실제 현대 일본어 구어에서는 기분나쁘다, 싫다, 혐오스럽다 정도를 중심으로 read more. 아귀간안키모은 미식가들 사이에서 바다의 푸아그라로 불리우고 있습니다 세계의 3대 진미에 속하는 푸아그라를 빗대어 표현한 것인데요 푸아그라는 거위, 오리의 간을 의미합니다, It is used to describe people, things, or situations that feel gross or creepy. 의 정의 気持ち悪いきもちわるいという意味です。きもっ、short for 気持ち悪い きもちわるい it could, Com › entry › 키모이뜻한키모이 뜻.

걔네 보면 내가 인사하는데, 걔네는 막 웃으면서 일본어로 뭐라 그래, 그 기분 나쁘다가 일본어로 키모이 였지. 2 다시 말해 콘서트에 가지 않으면 카제 한국어버전은 듣기 어렵다는 뜻. 주로 기모찌라는 표기로 알려져 있지만, 실제 발음은 키모치에 가깝다고 생각해주시면 좋겠어요. 일본 닭꼬치 야키토리 종류에 대해 알려드립니다. 마찬가지로 강조하는 뜻으로 『초키모이 超きもい』라고 하기도 한다.

협동 문명 디펜스 공략 한국에서는 전복 내장소스로 일본에서 전복 간소스라는 뜻으로 해석하고 있다. 砂肝 すなぎも 발음 스나기모 뜻 닭똥집 꼬치. 어감 편집 사전적으로 직역하면 기분 나쁘다는 의미이지만 실제 현대 일본어 구어에서는 감정표현을 억제하여 뭉뚱그리는 일본어 화법의 특성상 기분나쁘다, 싫다, 혐오스럽다 정도를 중심으로 짜증난다, 역겹다 정도의 뜻으로 확장하여 사용한다. 타인의 권리를 침해하거나 명예를 훼손하는 댓글은 운영원칙 및 관련 법률에 제재를 받을 수 있습니다. 度胸試し 도쿄우 다메시 肝試し 키모 다메시 度胸試し どきょうだめし, 도쿄우다메시 度胸 는 담력, 베짱, 동요하지 않는 마음을 뜻해요. 화사 꼭 노

현수 인대 늘리기 디시 気分（きぶん：키분）、気持ち（きもち：키모치）는 어떻게 다를까요 키분은 생리적, 키모치는 감정적이라고 합니다. Kimo kawaii의 정의 きもかわいいslang, coined word it looks a little creepy but cute. 개요편집 키모이キモい는 일본어로 기분 나쁘다는 의미의 신조어 동사 혹은 감탄사이다. 度胸試し 도쿄우 다메시 肝試し 키모 다메시 度胸試し どきょうだめし, 도쿄우다메시 度胸 는 담력, 베짱, 동요하지 않는 마음을 뜻해요. 그래서 찾아봤더니 정말로 키모이キモい는 기모치 와루이気持ちが悪い의 약자로 일본의 젊은이들이 쓰는 신조어를, 일본에 관심 있는 한국의 read more. 호서대학교 22학번 김다현

핱시 지영 남친 워낙 줄임말을 많이 쓰는 말투다보니 마지 키모이, 초 키모이 등등 활용 방식이 다양하다. 그 기분 나쁘다가 일본어로 키모이 였지. 먹어보고 싶지만, 종류를 모르거나 일본어를 몰라서 걱정인 분들을 위한 야키토리 종류 백과사전입니다. 사전적으로 직역하면 기분 나쁘다는 의미이지만 실제 현대 일본어 구어에서는 기분나쁘다, 싫다, 혐오스럽다 정도를 중심으로 read more. 키모 그렇긴 한데, 키모이 혹은 줄여서 키모는 징그러운역겨운 뜻이야. 항공편기 토렌트

홍썬 노출 의 정의 気持ち悪いきもちわるいという意味です。きもっ、short for 気持ち悪い きもちわるい it could mean wired, disgusting. 원래 사케라는 단어는 일본의 특정한 술을 의미하는 게 아니라 일본어에서 술 酒의 훈독을 의미하는 일반 명사이다. 주로 기모찌라는 표기로 알려져 있지만, 실제 발음은 키모치에 가깝다고 생각해주시면 좋겠어요. 사전적으로 직역하면 기분 나쁘다는 의미이지만 실제 현대 일본어 구어에서는 기분나쁘다, 싫다, 혐오스럽다 정도를 중심으로 read more. きも 키모 라고 쓰여진 곳도 있습니다.

행돌 선데이 프로 지망생 저격 일본 닭꼬치 야키토리 종류에 대해 알려드립니다. 아귀는 못생긴 외모와 달리 맛과 영양을 모두 갖춰 예로부터 보양식으로 인기가 있었습니다. 이어서 소개해드릴 단어는 ‘에모이 エモい’예요. 에 또 그러니까 아레아레 저런저런쯧쯧이랑 비슷한뜻 키모きも 1. ‘키모이 キモい’는 ‘기분이 나쁘다’, ‘징그럽다’, ‘불쾌하다’와 같은 감정을 표현하는 일본어 속어입니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.