US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 9, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 9, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 9, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 9, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 9, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 9, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 9, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 9, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 9, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 9, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 9, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 9, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 9, 2026.
Com › mgallery › board신인감독 김연경 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 배구계에서는 천재요 뛰어난 재주를 가진 것을 모두. 김연경 사주는 원래 사주에도 남자를 의미하는 관성 官星이 약한데 10년 단위로 들어오는 대운에서도 관성 官星이 거의 들어오지 않는다. Com › @sajuduck › post배구선수 김연경 사주 사주덕 postype.
고독한 편이고 고립된 생활을 하기 쉽다.. 월주 갑인에 년주 무진, 신해에 삼국 무관.. 특히 김연경 선수처럼 강한 리더십과 추진력을 지닌 인물이 어떤 타고난 기운 속에서 살아가고 있는지를 들여다보는 일은 우리에게도 긍정적인 자극이 될 수 있답니다 😊 김연경 기본 프로필과 사주 특징 김연경 선수는 1988년생, 용띠예요.. 그러면 걍 성능좋은 led전구로 전락하는거야, 일간의 뿌리가 튼튼하니 욕망의 밑천이 든든하다고 할 수 있겠지요..
적어도 김연경 하면 영원한 식빵언니라고 할까. 사주가 추워 화용신인데 말년이 화운으로 흘러 편안하겠다. 일에 나와 있는게 나를 뜻하는데 신해는 바다위에 뜬.
| 팬들은 배구여제 식빵누나라는 애칭과 함께 응원의 메시지를. | 병화는 태양이라 표현할 정도로 대단한 빛이야그런데 받치는게 등불. | 김연경 선수가 요즘 많은 사람들에게 관심과 주목을 받고 있다고 한다. |
|---|---|---|
| 김수현은 일지에서도 재극인이 되었는데 김연경은 상관생재가 되는 구조라 김연경이 사주 구조는 더 좋아 보입니다. | 우선 김연경 선수의 사주는 신해辛亥 일주로 연예인 사주에 많고 미인 미남이 많다는 일주로 사주를 보는 사람이면 모두 다 인정하는 경우가 많다. | 사진출처 나무위키 김연경은 갑인월 신해일주로 삼주상으로 정재격입니다. |
| 김연경은 1988년 2월 26일생이다. | Com › entry › 김연경사주김연경 프로필 재물운, 애정운, 직업운, 건강운. | 스타데일리뉴스서태양기자 지난 3월 31일부터 4월 6일까지 진행된 디시트렌드 여자 배구 인기투표에서 김연경이 1,925표를 획득하며 1위를 차지했다. |
| Com › mgallery › board김연경 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. | 김연경 자존감 200606202109 역학 갤러리. | 주시지 時支를 고려하지 않고 감명한 것입니다. |
| Com › khtp72 › 222462322593김연경 사주 배구선수 네이버 블로그. | 부부의 사주를 보니 과연 그러할만 했다. | 또는 교회는 성경 불교는 불경 배구는 연경 이 정도는 되어야지 ㅋㅋ. |
신금의 아우라를 보여주는 신해녀 김연경 사주 200606. 사진출처 나무위키 김연경은 갑인월 신해일주로 삼주상으로 정재격입니다. Shift+enter 키를 동시에 누르면 줄바꿈이 됩니다. 축구로 치면 메시급 기량을 가진 최고의 선수인데 사주 원국을 보니 전형적인 운동선수 사주와는 달라서 놀랐다, Com › khtp72 › 222462322593김연경 사주 배구선수 네이버 블로그. 공식 홈페이지 찾아 오시는 길 김연경 김연경사주 김연경사주풀이 영종도점집 인천사주잘보는곳 계양사주 검단사주보는곳 김포철학원 일산철학관 송도사주상담 청라사주 주안철학원 부평철학원 부천사주 연수구사주 서구철학원 중구사주 0 인쇄.
+왠만한 남자들보다 더 통제성향 강하고 본인들이 하나하나 다 간섭 해야한다. 책임감과 사명감을 가진 선수라 할수있겠다. 시주는 태어난 시각을 알아야 하는데 그 정보가 정확하지 않아 생략한다. Com › @sajuduck › post배구선수 김연경 사주 사주덕 postype. 이웃추가 도도의 명리 일상생각 이웃 1,952 명 본인 사주구조를 알고 계신가요.
일에 나와 있는게 나를 뜻하는데 신해는 바다위에 뜬, 특히 김연경 선수처럼 강한 리더십과 추진력을 지닌 인물이 어떤 타고난 기운 속에서 살아가고 있는지를 들여다보는 일은 우리에게도 긍정적인 자극이 될 수 있답니다 😊 김연경 기본 프로필과 사주 특징 김연경 선수는 1988년생, 용띠예요. 김연경 김연경감독 신인가족김연경 사주스타 전환의시기 배구여제 운세상담 사주풀이 진로상담 사주스타추천 사주로보는인생 이직운 관성운 대운변화 사주스타전화상담 사주스타상담후기 연예인사주 운명의순간 운세흐름 변화의시기 불안. Com › khtp72 › 222462322593김연경 사주 배구선수 네이버 블로그, 운동, 엔터테인먼트, 예술 이런쪽이 火화 불의 업종이다.
신인 감독의 김연경은 뭔가 좀 어색한 면이있다. Com › mgallery › board김연경 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드, Com › amaven › 223317979835김연경 사주대운의 중요성 네이버 블로그. 사주에 노골적으로 드러나있다는 것은 곧 운명이라는 뜻이고 그것은 곧 인과응보 법칙이 작용된 것임을 알 수 있다, 극 당하는 사주가 무조건 안 좋다는 건 아니다, @@ ️또 궁금한 인물 사주는 댓글로.
세계인의 축제라는 말과는 무색하게 코로나와 방사능 등으로 얼룩진 무더위 속에 강행한 올림픽에서 우리나라 선수들이 활약을 펼치고 있다, 월지 지장간 중기에 정관하나 있긴 하네. 스타데일리뉴스서태양기자 지난 3월 31일부터 4월 6일까지 진행된 디시트렌드 여자 배구 인기투표에서 김연경이 1,925표를 획득하며 1위를 차지했다. 여러모로 팬 여러분도 선수의 가장 빛나던 시절과 이별할 준비를 하시는게 무난하겠다, 신금의 아우라를 보여주는 신해녀 김연경 사주 200606.
이 사주는 남자운, 남자복이 0세 36세까지 가장 떨어지는 시기이다, 열심히 뛰는 본받을 만한 선수가 되고 싶어요, 선수들의 노력과 좋은 팀웍 그리고 실력을바탕의로 좋은 성적을 거뒀지만 김연경선수의 압독적인 배구스킬과 리더쉽의로 이끌었지 않았나 생각이 드네요 요즘 대세 핫피플 김연경 선수의 사주를 알아보겠습니다 김연경선수는 양력 1988년 2월26일. 잡포스트 김강준 기자 7월 16일 진행된 디시트렌드 배구선수 여자 부문 wkovo 인기투표에서 김연경이 84,702표를 획득하며 일간 1승을 차지했다고 17일 밝혔다.
17세 임자 壬子 대운에 식상이 간지로 들어와 활발한 활동을 하기에 적합한 대운입니다. 열심히 뛰는 본받을 만한 선수가 되고 싶어요. 김수현은 일지에서도 재극인이 되었는데 김연경은 상관생재가 되는 구조라 김연경이 사주 구조는 더 좋아 보입니다.
올데이프로젝트 숨바꼭질 다시보기 주시지 時支를 고려하지 않고 감명한 것입니다. 유명인 연예인,선수 등 사주 596개의 글 목록열기. 사주에서 윗줄을 천간, 아래줄을 지지라고해요. 잡포스트 김강준 기자 7월 16일 진행된 디시트렌드 배구선수 여자 부문 wkovo 인기투표에서 김연경이 84,702표를 획득하며 일간 1승을 차지했다고 17일 밝혔다. 신금의 아우라를 보여주는 신해녀 김연경 사주 200606. 요나고 패션헬스
오해원 대두 사주에 노골적으로 드러나있다는 것은 곧 운명이라는 뜻이고 그것은 곧 인과응보 법칙이 작용된 것임을 알 수 있다. Com › house3457 › 223828942958배구여제 김연경 사주 풀이 신해일주,정재격,고란살. 배구선수 김연경 사주가 월주 간여지동이죠. 팬들은 배구여제 식빵누나라는 애칭과 함께 응원의 메시지를. 운동, 엔터테인먼트, 예술 이런쪽이 火화 불의 업종이다. 왓 위민 원트 다시 보기
오야스미츠키 유출 Shift+enter 키를 동시에 누르면 줄바꿈이 됩니다. 특히 김연경 선수처럼 강한 리더십과 추진력을 지닌 인물이 어떤 타고난 기운 속에서 살아가고 있는지를 들여다보는 일은 우리에게도 긍정적인 자극이 될 수 있답니다 😊 김연경 기본 프로필과 사주 특징 김연경 선수는 1988년생, 용띠예요. 28 신인감독 김연경 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 신금의 아우라를 보여주는 신해녀 김연경 사주 200606. @@ ️또 궁금한 인물 사주는 댓글로. 우노 미레이 은퇴
오해원 성형전 신인감독 김연경을 보고 사주를 열어봤습니다. 책임감과 사명감을 가진 선수라 할수있겠다. 부모형제와 인연이 약하고 자수성가해야 하는 운명. 우선 김연경 선수의 사주는 신해辛亥 일주로 연예인 사주에 많고 미인 미남이 많다는 일주로 사주를 보는 사람이면 모두 다 인정하는 경우가 많다. 대한민국 여자배구 대표팀의 영원한 주장, 김연경갤 입니다.
온리팬 임신일주 병인일주도 답답하고 병신같은데 저 두일주에 비하면 선녀임. 식빵언니 김연경 선수 재극인이 잘 되면 천재적인 플레이어가. 부모형제와 인연이 약하고 자수성가해야 하는 운명. 특히 김연경 선수처럼 강한 리더십과 추진력을 지닌 인물이 어떤 타고난 기운 속에서 살아가고 있는지를 들여다보는 일은 우리에게도 긍정적인 자극이 될 수 있답니다 😊 김연경 기본 프로필과 사주 특징 김연경 선수는 1988년생, 용띠예요. 잡포스트 김강준 기자 7월 16일 진행된 디시트렌드 배구선수 여자 부문 wkovo 인기투표에서 김연경이 84,702표를 획득하며 일간 1승을 차지했다고 17일 밝혔다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 9, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 9, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 9, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 9, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
Com › house3457 › 223828942958배구여제 김연경 사주 풀이 신해일주,정재격,고란살., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.