Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

식상다년들 말하는거보면 자긴 단점이 없는 줄 알더라ㅇㅇ남 잘못이상으로 과하게 욕하는것도 공감. 타인의 비밀이야기와 독특한 주제를 계속 꺼내지만 결국 자신이 했던 뒷담화로 인해 자신에게 언제 비난의 화살이 날아올지몰라 마음이 불안하다. 블라인드 회사생활 믿었던 사람들이 내 뒷담. 그냥 인생은 그렇게 불공평하게 프로그램되어있어.

Fc2 미성년

23 212242 조회 14490 추천 139 댓글 76 남들보다 재물이 없고 성공을 못했어도.. 카천지만 봐도 원작공격 당하던가 다른.. Days ago 견자희 마크 포포서버 합방때 처음 만났다.. 업보인건 맞는데 bl뒷담 미니 갤러리..

Fc2 주간

타인의 비밀이야기와 독특한 주제를 계속 꺼내지만 결국 자신이 했던 뒷담화로 인해 자신에게 언제 비난의 화살이 날아올지몰라 마음이 불안하다. 그래도 덕분에 실제 두샨 바스타와의 만남도 성사, 목적 달성은 물론이고 라치오 시절의 유니폼까지 선물로 받았다. Com › board › view싱글벙글 생각보다 남 뒷담화 많이하는 사람들 실시간 베스트 갤러. 착하게 산다고 선물이 돌아오지 않는다고.

미니 갤러리 소개 소개 이미지 흥한갤288위 흥한갤 전체 순위전체 미니 갤러리 순위 중 300위 이내는 흥한갤이 됩니다. Com › board › view싱글벙글 생각보다 남 뒷담화 많이하는 사람들 실시간 베스트 갤러. Bl뒷담갤러리 bl뒷담 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨 업보인건 맞는데, 정말 댓글이 맞는게 시간이 오래 걸릴지언정 잘못 저지르면 업보는 받게 되더라.

Fc2 품

반면 같이 있으면 뭔지모르게 찝찝하고, 자기들보다 가슴 크다며 징그럽다고 뒷담하더라 난 열심히 운동하고 개인기로 가슴 튕기기 한거 밖에 없는데. 카천지만 봐도 원작공격 당하던가 다른. 이간질에 뒷담화 사서직 공무원 마이너 갤러리, 하고 농담하듯이 그 뒷담한 사람 슬슬 긁으면서ㅋㅋ 뒷담한 사람이 자기말 퍼진거 불안해, 지난 2년 반의 방송기간동안 이것저것 시도하고 최선을 다했던 시절 유언비어 남미새, 억결, 질투, 뒷담 등로 괴롭히는 타 스트리머들이 있었지만, 방송을 봐주는 사람들과 응원 손편지, dm, 이메일 등으로 응원해 주는 팬들이 있던 시절이 회상되었기 때문이라고.

남 타인 흉보는 사람 특징 심리, 뒷담화하는 사람 대처하는 방법. 직장내괴롭힘 가해자들 인과응보 사례 듣고 싶어요. 그것을 끊으려면 알아차리고 정화하고 해탈해야함, 업보라는게 있는거 같긔 뒷담갤뒷담 미니 갤러리.

Fc2 Ppv 4304428

남 미워하는거 특히 목용신들은 남 미워하고 시기하는거 용신 갉아먹는 행위라최대한 마음을 정화시키려고 노력해야 발복이, 어떻게든 업보는 돌아가게되어있음 잇올 마이너 갤러리. 어디서 남의이야기 하나둘 흘리는 사람이 더 쎄해서 대화하고 싶지않아, 저게 나 없는곳에서 내 뒷담도 할게 뻔한데 만나고 싶겠어.

ㅋ 그런거면 지 일기장에나 쓰면 되지 뭐하러 남들한테 이름까지 다 특정해가면서 욕하는데. 코스프레만담 뒷갤 가발 빌려다가 개털 만들어놓고 수리비 달라니까 뒷담을 까기를 했냐 앞에선 친한척하고 뒷갤에선 역바이럴하면서 욕을 하기를 했냐. Com › mini › board역시 사람은 업보를 잘쌓아야돼 리듬게임 뒷담갤 리턴즈 미니 갤러.

당신또한 업보가 있으니 지금 인간으로 태어난것이구요, 뒷담화를 하는 이유는 그냥 남을 괴롭히고 남의 이미지를 망가뜨리는 걸 즐기는거임ㅋㅋ 대다수. 타인의 비밀이야기와 독특한 주제를 계속 꺼내지만 결국 자신이 했던 뒷담화로 인해 자신에게 언제 비난의 화살이 날아올지몰라 마음이 불안하다, 헬테이커 의 루시퍼 더빙을 시키기도 했는데. 본인도 쯔하던 오타가 목졸리는 취향 떠벌리고 다녀서 들통나고.

행복한 사람은 남을 험담하거나 욕하는데 시간을 낭비하지않고 자신의 발전을 위해 노력하기도 바쁘다. 직장내괴롭힘 가해자들 인과응보 사례 듣고 싶어요. 식상다년들 말하는거보면 자긴 단점이 없는 줄 알더라ㅇㅇ남 잘못이상으로 과하게 욕하는것도 공감.

Fc2 미레이

데빌에서 ㅣㅛㅣ한테 양갈래 손잡이 드립치고 뒷담까며 조롱하더니. 여자팀장 자체가 밑에 사람한테 샤우팅 지르고 지랄발광해야 밑에 사람들이 겨우 따르고 그래서 성격이 지랄맞은쪽으로 진화할수밖에 없더라. Com › mini › hhhredirecting to sgall. 부모가 자식을 경제적으로 뒷받침해주는 능력을 수저에 비유하여 표현하는 담론이다, 지난 2년 반의 방송기간동안 이것저것 시도하고 최선을 다했던 시절 유언비어 남미새, 억결, 질투, 뒷담 등로 괴롭히는 타 스트리머들이 있었지만, 방송을 봐주는 사람들과 응원 손편지, dm, 이메일 등으로 응원해 주는 팬들이 있던 시절이 회상되었기 때문이라고. 남 미워하는거 특히 목용신들은 남 미워하고 시기하는거 용신 갉아먹는 행위라최대한 마음을 정화시키려고 노력해야 발복이.

fc2 ai 정말 댓글이 맞는게 시간이 오래 걸릴지언정 잘못 저지르면 업보는 받게 되더라. 해당 갤러리의 모체가 되는 갤러리가 따로 있으며 유저들은. 마지막 글쓴거 아래거 생각나더라 ㄷㅋ 큰손들만 흑화시켜놓고 떠나는구나 센언급은 좀 빼라 급떨어지게. 어떻게든 업보는 돌아가게되어있음 잇올 마이너 갤러리. 지난 2년 반의 방송기간동안 이것저것 시도하고 최선을 다했던 시절 유언비어 남미새, 억결, 질투, 뒷담 등로 괴롭히는 타 스트리머들이 있었지만, 방송을 봐주는 사람들과 응원 손편지, dm, 이메일 등으로 응원해 주는 팬들이 있던 시절이 회상되었기 때문이라고. fc2 최

fc2 카노아이 카천지만 봐도 원작공격 당하던가 다른. 2022년 제20대 대통령 선거를 앞두고 나온 신조어로, 윤석열 후보의 지지자들이 해당 계층에서 특히 많은 여론조사 결과들을 근거로 나온 것이며 윤석열의 지지자들을 read more. 디시인사이드 리그 오브 레전드 갤러리 에서 탄생한 용어로, 팬덤끼리 싸우는 것을 의미한다. 근데 진짜 업보라는게 있나보다 근데 ㅇㅇㅈㅁ 본갤에서 왤케 설침. 데빌에서 ㅣㅛㅣ한테 양갈래 손잡이 드립치고 뒷담까며 조롱하더니. fc2 마누라

fc2 3259498 누가 뒷담갤에 저격해도 업보덕에 알아서 실드쳐줌. 남 타인 흉보는 사람 특징 심리, 뒷담화하는 사람 대처하는 방법. 지난 2년 반의 방송기간동안 이것저것 시도하고 최선을 다했던 시절 유언비어 남미새, 억결, 질투, 뒷담 등로 괴롭히는 타 스트리머들이 있었지만, 방송을 봐주는 사람들과 응원 손편지, dm, 이메일 등으로 응원해 주는 팬들이 있던 시절이 회상되었기 때문이라고. 착하게 산다고 선물이 돌아오지 않는다고. 그렇게 떵떵거리며 살아도 말년이 엉망인 경우 많지. fc2-ppv-4665097 missav

fc 4330669 얘네들은 뭘 하든 모여서 허구한날 남뒷담에. 여자팀장 자체가 밑에 사람한테 샤우팅 지르고 지랄발광해야 밑에 사람들이 겨우 따르고 그래서 성격이 지랄맞은쪽으로 진화할수밖에 없더라. 한국 메이드카페 뒷담 미니 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털. 제게 무슨 일이 있었는지 자세히 쓰면 분명 오늘의 판에 오르고 여기저기 캡쳐될만한 스토리고 그럼 분명 판. 공무원 j 속상했겠다 주말 쉬는 아침까지 이런고민을 하다니 ㅜ 그런데 뒷담이 돌아온거면 전달자가 있었고 그전달자가 말씀해주신거잖아.

fc2 다리문신 한줄요약 사회에 나와보니 생각보다 남 인생 평가하는 사람들 존나 많다고 느낌. 누가 뒷담갤에 저격해도 업보덕에 알아서 실드쳐줌. 해당 갤러리의 모체가 되는 갤러리가 따로 있으며 유저들은. 행복한 사람은 남을 험담하거나 욕하는데 시간을 낭비하지않고 자신의 발전을 위해 노력하기도 바쁘다. 이간질에 뒷담화 사서직 공무원 마이너 갤러리.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.