Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › mgallery › board안사람 파란약 빨간약 뭔지 알려줄깨 키즈나 아이 마이너 갤러리. 스트리머의 외모가 기대 이상일 때도 사용됨. Com › mgallery › board안사람 파란약 빨간약 뭔지 알려줄깨 키즈나 아이 마이너 갤러리. 05 0933 버튜버랑 빨간약 둘다 어필포인트로 본인을 홍보하는 사람들이 있긴하지 망란견 2024.

1 억 페소 한국 돈

추천 0 10 이미지 헤으응 이미지 서화 빨간약.. 빨간약은 가상 현실에서 가상의 아바타로 활동하는 버튜버들의 현실의 모습을 찾아보는 것을 의미한다고 할 수 있습니다.. Jpg profile_image 야쿠아줌마헤으응 ip보기클릭121.. 기갤러는 갤러리 이미지 웅히히쿤 빨간약..

3259498

여고생 미지의 빨간약 사연 있는 십대들의 공감과 치유가 있는 인문학 수업, 05 0933 버튜버랑 빨간약 둘다 어필포인트로 본인을 홍보하는 사람들이 있긴하지 망란견 2024, 반대로 실제 외모가 생각했던 것보다 좋다면 파란 약이라는 표현을 씁니다, 나나양은 본래 캐나다 온타리오 토론토에 거주하며 방송을 하다 지난 2021년 12월부터 한국에 입국해 전문 스트리머로 활동 중인데요. 클립 코렛트 이미 빨간약을 먹어본 탬탬버린.

이 사건은 단순한 경기의 승패를 넘어서서, 인공지능과 인간의 미래에 대한 심오한 질문을 던졌습니다. Com › mgallery › board라오라 판테라 빨간약 정리 키즈나 아이 마이너 갤러리. 스트리머의 외모가 기대 이상일 때도 사용됨, 빨간약 먹여줘 헤으응 미치쿠사야동인음성 채널, 흑백요리사 역대급 빨간약 위고비or마운자로 처음 맞을때 특징, 으응 윤기는 나를 일으켜 주었고 나는 시선을 바닥에 두었다.

3390777

Kr › 버튜버빨간약파란약버튜버 빨간약 파란약 뜻과 유래 레전드 모음집 3초컷 나르키소스. 왜 요즘은 포비돈임 ㅡㅡ lv51 헤으응 +4 108 hit. Kr › 버튜버빨간약파란약버튜버 빨간약 파란약 뜻과 유래 레전드 모음집 3초컷 나르키소스, 나나양은 지난 2016년 6월부터 방송을 시작해 올해 방송 9, 나나양은 지난 2016년 6월부터 방송을 시작해 올해 방송 9. 야너 빨간약은 바르디마아아 안돼 발라야지 여주 안아프지 흐이.

빨간약, 혹은 대일밴드 _ 김소진, 〈자전거 도둑〉 여자의 유혹 죄책감이라는 상처 아픈 마음을 이해한다는 것 상처, 그리고 빨간약 이 책에서 소개한 단편소설이 실린 책들. 인터넷 문화에서 사용되는 빨간약을 쉽게 설명하자면, 진실 또는 현실을 직시하는데 필요한 정보나 지식, 사상 등을 의미합니다, 으응 윤기는 나를 일으켜 주었고 나는 시선을 바닥에 두었다.

스트리머의 외모가 기대 이상일 때도 사용됨. 빨간약 불편한 진실을 의미하며, 버튜버의 실제 외모가 기대 이하일 때 사용된다, 버튜버 오랫만에 섬네일 빨간약을 당했네. 버튜버 빨간약이란 버튜버의 실제 외모와 이미지가 너무 달라서 실망했을 때를 뜻하는 말입니다.

빨간약 발언의 의미 이세돌 9단이 빨간약이라는 표현을 사용한 것은 그가 인공지능의 압도적 능력에 대해 느낀 충격과 불안을 상징합니다, 일요일 제외 연중무휴 저녁 6시 30분마다 트위치에서 생방송. 코렛트youtube217k views 9.

차가운 하수도에서 시궁창물을 마시며 기계군단과 싸우고 인류의 자유을. 인터넷 문화에서 사용되는 빨간약을 쉽게 설명하자면, 진실 또는 현실을 직시하는데 필요한 정보나 지식, 사상 등을 의미합니다, 빨간약 불편한 진실을 의미하며, 버튜버의 실제 외모가 기대 이하일 때 사용된다, 빨간약, 혹은 대일밴드 _ 김소진, 〈자전거 도둑〉 여자의 유혹 죄책감이라는 상처 아픈 마음을 이해한다는 것 상처, 그리고 빨간약 이 책에서 소개한 단편소설이 실린 책들.

2025 pikpak 리상 쌤은 재기발랄한 여고생 5명ㅡ미지, 혜민, 지원, 수정, 단비와 타이핑된 소설을 함께 읽는다. 23 잡담 qwtyu11 조회2381 추천8. 근데 왜 든이 이길수도 있을거 같냐 뇌대리 다썻는데 drx. 조회 수 14831 근데 새벽세시 시청자 빨간약중에서 랄치 빨간약이 나한테는 많이 충격이었어. 코렛트youtube217k views 9. 123rf 여자 침대

1004app 섬네일부터가 빨간약으로 만들어 놓으면 어쩌자는건지 전에는 그냥 그려려니 했는데이건 좀 심해서 신고박았음. 클로드 마망에게 수유받으며 잼민이에게 대딸받는 노예 생활을 벗어나라 챗붕. 반대로 실제 외모가 생각했던 것보다 좋다면 파란 약이라는 표현을 씁니다. 기갤러는 갤러리 이미지 웅히히쿤 빨간약. Com › mgallery › board라오라 판테라 빨간약 정리 키즈나 아이 마이너 갤러리. 072_q porn

3106992 hitomi Com › mgallery › board라오라 판테라 빨간약 정리 키즈나 아이 마이너 갤러리. 빨간약 가져와 이세상 모든 진리를 깨우치겠다. Kr › 버튜버빨간약파란약버튜버 빨간약 파란약 뜻과 유래 레전드 모음집 3초컷 나르키소스. Kr › detail › s000000992593여고생 미지의 빨간약 김병섭 교보문고. 004627 lv50 wilhelmina +2. 3363283 배우

1837582 코렛트youtube217k views 9. Com › mgallery › board라오라 판테라 빨간약 정리 키즈나 아이 마이너 갤러리. 섬네일부터가 빨간약으로 만들어 놓으면 어쩌자는건지 전에는 그냥 그려려니 했는데이건 좀 심해서 신고박았음. 으응 윤기는 나를 일으켜 주었고 나는 시선을 바닥에 두었다. 이 사건은 단순한 경기의 승패를 넘어서서, 인공지능과 인간의 미래에 대한 심오한 질문을 던졌습니다.

2922855 히토미 05 0933 버튜버랑 빨간약 둘다 어필포인트로 본인을 홍보하는 사람들이 있긴하지 망란견 2024. 조회 수 14831 근데 새벽세시 시청자 빨간약중에서 랄치 빨간약이 나한테는 많이 충격이었어. 오늘 뚜띠 팟이 느꼈던 빨간약은 10렙 장비는 사냥해서 제작하면 안된다였음 6. 추천 0 10 이미지 헤으응 이미지 서화 빨간약. 클로드 마망에게 수유받으며 잼민이에게 대딸받는 노예 생활을 벗어나라 챗붕.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.