Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

실은, 통닭을 매입해 가게로 나눈 때에 나오는 신선한 닭갈기에 하처리를 더해 소스와. Com › pois › 27387153세이부백화점 이케부쿠로 본점 funliday 여행계획, 추억 공유하기. Com › prahasnap › 223994314836오키나와 맛집 호불호가 갈리지만 독특한 토리이치즈 by 석영작가. 대중 이자카야 토리이치즈 텐노즈 아일점 taishu izakaya toriichizu tennozu isle branch의 최신 한국어 메뉴와 가격을 확인하세요.

오이빨딱

우설 맛 디시

도쿄 진보초스이도바시 미즈타키 다이슈 이자카야 토리이치즈다이슈 이자카야 토리이치즈 스이도바시점 좌석 예약 전용.. 사진에 큰 건물 대부분이 토리이치즈 건물인데 지하 1층부터 4층까지 운영하더군요..

오빠 나 신일여고

도움말 도움말 라이센스 후쿠오카 이자카야 술집 토리이치즈 후쿠오카 아카사카점 大衆とり酒場 とりいちず 福岡赤坂店 일본 〒8100042 fukuoka, chuo ward, akasaka, 1 chome−9−23 みくにビル. Com › dkfma21277 › 222938369721토리이치즈 시부야센터가점 야키토리6종모듬 내돈내산 별로였던 후기. 신주쿠 야키토리 맛집 토리이치즈とりいちず 도쿄여행 신주쿠 야키토리 도쿄맛집 tokyo shinjuku, 나베가 끓기 시작하고 토마토가 익으면 토마토를 잘 으깨주어요, 토리이치즈 자랑의 무제한 먹고 마시는 코스. 2f, 1chōme313 sumiyoshihonmachi, higashinada ward, kobe, hyogo 6580051, japan.

독특한 부드러움이 있는 토리이시 소스, 이번에는 야끼토리가 맛있는 이자까야를 소개해 볼까해요, 다이슈우 토리 사카바 토리이치즈 삿포로에키마에도오리점 삿포로이자카야、야키토리、미즈타키 의 식당 정보는 tabelog 확인하세요, 일본 이자카야 토리이치즈 닭꼬치, 꼬치 튀김, 닭튀김 등의 안주를 저렴한 가격에 즐길 수 있습니다.

요도자위 영어 토리이치즈 시부야센터가점은 일본〒1500042 도쿄도 시부야구 우다가와초 256 b1f에 위치해 있다. 이렇게 즐기는 재미도 있지만, 가격이 무려 88엔 세금 포함이라는 점에서 더욱. 🍋 직접 짜먹는 레몬사와, 단돈 88엔. 1816 이웃추가 우미노침보라 2 chome1315 maejima, naha, okinawa 9000016 일본 이 블로그의 체크인 이 장소의 다른 글 다이빙 마치고 우미노 침보라 갈려고 왔는데 웨이팅 한시간🫥🫥🫥 걍다른곳으로ㅋㅋㅋ 아쿠아시타 우리호텔ㅋㅋㅋ 大衆とり酒場 とりいちず 那覇松山店 일본 〒9000032 okinawa, naha. 토리치즈에서는 저희의 비밀 양념과 독특한 향신료 조합을 사용하여 뼈 닭고기의 풍미를 살려. 외모지상주의 야동

오줌 kissjav 토리이치즈 메인 요리는 수이다키 水炊き 1480엥 중불로 6분, 뼈가 붙어있는 고기가 스프에 우러날때 까지 기다리구 고기완자, 야채등을 넣고 3분, 야채가 어느정도 익으면 먹으세요. 토리이치즈 시부야센터가점은 일본〒1500042 도쿄도 시부야구 우다가와초 256 b1f에 위치해 있다. 흡연금연석 분리 음료주류 무제한 온라인 예약 일본. Com › pois › 27387153세이부백화점 이케부쿠로 본점 funliday 여행계획, 추억 공유하기. 오오슈이자카야 토리이치즈 시부야센터가이점 예약 이자카야시부야 구, 도쿄 도일본 맛집 예약은 autoreserve. 올라 잇 평균 디시

요시카와 렌 호텔 ※+330엔으로 생맥주도 무제한으로 추가 가능합니다. 도쿄 진보초스이도바시 미즈타키 다이슈 이자카야 토리이치즈다이슈 이자카야 토리이치즈 스이도바시점 좌석 예약 전용. 거리 주소 도쿄도 치요다구 간다 미사키쵸 21010 코우라쿠 빌딩 1f. 도움말 도움말 라이센스 후쿠오카 이자카야 술집 토리이치즈 후쿠오카 아카사카점 大衆とり酒場 とりいちず 福岡赤坂店 일본 〒8100042 fukuoka, chuo ward, akasaka, 1 chome−9−23 みくにビル. 게다가, 생레몬 사워는 단 88엔메가. 오키나와 섹스

요미센 대학 디시 주말은 3시부터 4시까지 노는날없이 맛있게 먹을수 있는 오모리맛집. 독특한 부드러움이 있는 토리이시 소스. Toriichizu yurakucho 토리 이치즈 유라쿠초점 とりいちず 有楽町店 도쿄역에서 남북으로 뻗어있는 기찻. 나베가 끓기 시작하고 토마토가 익으면 토마토를 잘 으깨주어요. 가게정보와 리뷰 부터 예약까지 한번에.

오해 원 다리 디시 정말로 닭 요리 가득한 무한리필 코스입니다♪. 일본 오키나와 나하 가성비 이자카야 추천 토리이치즈 일본 〒9000021 okinawa, naha, izumizaki. 토리이치즈 시부야점의 외관 모습입니다. 일본 오키나와 나하 가성비 이자카야 추천 토리이치즈 일본 〒9000021 okinawa, naha, izumizaki. 대중 이자카야 토리이치즈 텐노즈 아일점 taishu izakaya toriichizu tennozu isle branch의 최신 한국어 메뉴와 가격을 확인하세요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.