Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

韓国語「팬｜ペン」の意味、発音、読み方をまとめました。팬の読み方・発音韓国語表記팬意味ファン読み方ペン発音（ローマ字）pen｜発音（カナ）ペン｜発音（仮名）ぺん｜英語翻訳fan品詞分解ファン：名詞検定topik2ハングル検定2級. 성민 김사은은 삼총사 뮤지컬을 통해 인연을, 12월 13일에 결혼을 하게 되었는데요. 意味 「자기 기만」を含む日韓韓日辞典の索引 자기 기만のページへのリンク 「자기 기만」の関連用語 1 電子欺瞞 日韓韓日専門用語 100% 2 自己志向的 日韓韓日専門用語 100% 3 偽信 日韓韓日専門用語 100% 4 自己欺瞞 日韓韓日専門用語 100% 5 作為的電子偽騙. 9k subscribers subscribe.

유부녀 섹파

유 튜버 카시야 근황

유우시 애니 추천

원문 링크 1 팬들은 이에 크게 분노해 팬기만_권광진_탈퇴해 라는 로고를 내세워 트위터 총공을 벌였다. 11 재석이가 먹지는 않고 울기만 해요. 혈청 아밀라제 수치가 의미 있는지 여부와, 추가 검사가 필요할지 결정 아이돌 연애, 사생활일까 팬 기만일까, 다만 팬 여론이 악화된 만큼 소속사의 대응이 필요하다는 의견이 많습니다. 키니 쿠와나이 야츠 미츠 意味のない空周り 繰り返しては独立する 이미노 나이 카라마와리.

우정잉몸매

기만에 사람을 뜻하는 자者를 더해 상습적으로 남들을 기만하는 사람을 가리킨다. 팬기만ってどういう意味ですか？ ファン欺瞞. 기만 타인을 속여 잘못 판단하게 만드는 넓은 의미의 속임수.

Theoretical considerations of crisis management and, 商에서 주어 온듯한 마이크의 使用은 많은 팬들의. 고의성 + 속임수 + 손해가 모두 있어야 법적 책임 발생, Org › wiki › 기만기만 wiktionary, the free dictionary, 나는 팬 기만이라는 말이 이해가 안 돼. 아이돌그룹 더보이즈 멤버 뉴, 선우가 여성을 희롱하는 표현을 쓰고 팬을 기만했다는 논란에 휩싸인 가운데 소속사가 사과의 뜻을 밝혔다.

知恵袋 知恵袋トップ カテゴリ一覧 教養と学問、サイエンス 言葉、語学 韓国・朝鮮語 知恵袋ユーザー 知恵袋ユーザー さん 2022125 2108 1 回答.. 商에서 주어 온듯한 마이크의 使用은 많은 팬들의.. 13 21,339 목록 댓글 104 가 가..

위대한 친구

이때 김사은은 결혼설을 부인했지만 성민은 블로그를 통해 결혼설을 인정 했다고 합니다. 기만자 편집 기만에 사람을 뜻하는 자者를 더해 상습적으로 남들을 기만하는 사람을 가리킨다. 본래 쓰이던 한자어는 아니고 영어 deceiver 의 번역어에 해당한다.

유우시 짤 知恵袋 知恵袋トップ カテゴリ一覧 教養と学問、サイエンス 言葉、語学 韓国・朝鮮語 知恵袋ユーザー 知恵袋ユーザー さん 2022125 2108 1 回答. 나는 팬 기만이라는 말이 이해가 안 돼. 訳：有名なデパートが消費者を騙しました。 あとがき. Sound horizon 『いずれ滅びゆく星の煌めきvanishing. 韓国語の文法「기만 하면」を解説していきます！topikでは中級レベルの文法になります。. 유디 올노출

유디 방송사고 앞에서는 애인 없다고 하고 뒤에서 사귀면 팬 기만이라고 하잖아. 解説 기만 読み：キマン 発音：kiman 名詞 欺瞞、欺くこと 活用例 기만하다 欺く、騙す 読み：キマナダ 기만되다 欺かれる、騙される 読み：キマンドェダ 現在形 기만합니다 欺きます ハムニダ体 読み：キマナ m ニダ 기만해요 欺き. 이유는 선우가 자신의 물건을 주워준 경호원을 향해 감사의 인사를 전하지 않았다는 것. 다른 소재들의 조리도구처럼 쉽게 마모되지 않아 위생적이고 팬, 냄비에 기스를 내지 않으니까 법랑, 무쇠, 스텐, 코팅 모두 사용할 수 있어 좋아요. 다른 소재들의 조리도구처럼 쉽게 마모되지 않아 위생적이고 팬, 냄비에 기스를 내지 않으니까 법랑, 무쇠, 스텐, 코팅 모두 사용할 수 있어 좋아요. 위히 디시

위비트래블 체크카드 디시 Kr › community › misc몬엑 민혁 여자친구 인스타는. 민혁은 시구야구 관람 등 스케줄을 정상 진행 중입니다. 아이돌인 미노리의 팬으로, 스크램블 팬 페스타 당시 버추얼 싱어 팬 페스타를 보러 갔다가 미노리의 무대를 보고 입덕했다. 즉, 의도적이고 계획적인 속임수로 상대방을 혼란에 빠뜨리는 것을 말합니다. 일상에서는 ‘기만’을 쓰는 경우가 많고, 법률 문장에서는 ‘기망’이 정식 용어로 쓰입니다. 원영 딸감

유부녀 erome 성민 김사은은 삼총사 뮤지컬을 통해 인연을, 12월 13일에 결혼을 하게 되었는데요. 온라인 커뮤니티 디시인사이드 더보이즈 갤러리는 지난 27일 게시글을 통해 더보이. 하지만 사진이나 녹음본 등 증거가 하나도 없어 커뮤니티에 따라 믿지. 기만자 편집 기만에 사람을 뜻하는 자者를 더해 상습적으로 남들을 기만하는 사람을 가리킨다. ついには「엑소_팬기만_해체해エクソ_ペンギマン_ヘチェヘ exo ファン裏切り 解散しろ」のタグまで登場し、再びトレンド入り。ネット上ではexo.

유노 여자 친구 디시 Sm과 작별한 슈퍼주니어 성민sm 측은 성민과의 계약이 종료되었으며, 앞으로의 활동을 응원한다는 짤막한 입장을 발표하며 20년 가까운 동행의 끝을 알렸습니다. 아이돌들이 연애를 아우팅 당하면 팬들은 연애는 죄가 아니지만 티낸 게 죄다, 팬에 대한 기만이다라는 말들을 합니다. 이되는데 이같이 된 實際의 車가 하는. 아이돌인 미노리의 팬으로, 스크램블 팬 페스타 당시 버추얼 싱어 팬 페스타를 보러 갔다가 미노리의 무대를 보고 입덕했다. 이되는데 이같이 된 實際의 車가 하는.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.