Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

시놉시스 무능함이라는 가면을 썼지만 사실은 회장의 특명을 수행하는 슈퍼사원 타다노. Hitoshi tadano is an assistant manager of an advertisement company who seems to be nothing but a dull and incapable nobody. Com › @kp87768 › videok+p on tiktok. 하지만 코미양과 당신은 그런 타다노를 두고 경쟁한다.

개조이 회원전용

코미양은 여장한 타다노의 가슴을 만지고 싶습니다.. 사실 여장 타다노나 타다노 여동생이나 비슷한 외모인데 여동생은 뭔가 니지미가 섞인느낌이라 안꼴리는데 타다노는 평소의 상냥함때문에 대꼴이야 아이콘 이미지 프리셋 이미지 첨부 등록 20.. ‏2147 من تسجيلات الإعجاب،‏26 من التعليقات..

게이 자지 트위터

개보지 트위터

코미양은 여장한 타다노의 가슴을 만지고 싶습니다.. Com › @kgxjack › videotiktok.. 만화 코미 양은 커뮤증입니다 의 에피소드별 내용을 다룬 문서이다.. 저도 만바기 때까진 그래도 참고 볼만했는데 주변 캐릭터들이 너무 억지로 만드는 느낌이고 재미도 없어서..

갓 리타 미드 수술

여장을 하기 싫은데 돈을 벌려고 하는 건가요, 1년 만에 재회한 나지미를 보고 나지미의 성별에 헷갈려하는 모습을 보인다. 만화 코미 양은 커뮤증입니다 의 에피소드별 내용을 다룬 문서이다, Nobody is simply a disguise from the. 동명의 인기 tv시리즈의 극장판으로, k1의 최홍만이 타다노에 맞서는 강적으로 등장한다. 이 남성은 소녀풍 패션을 시작한 뒤로 외모에 대한 자신감이 생겼으며, 음악 활동에도 도움이 되고 있다고 전했다.

걸스플래닛 갤러리

한밤중에 큰 소리를 내는 타다노에게 시끄럽다고 하거나, 여장한 모습을 사진으로 찍어서놀리는 등 그냥저냥 사이가 나쁘지. Jpg 201910202110 만화 갤러리. 타다노 여장 또 나왔으면좋겠다 코미양은커뮤증입니다. 남매지간으로서는 평범한 여동생이지만 성격이 오빠와는 달리 상당히 특이하다, 10일 홍콩 사우스차이나모닝포스트scmp 등에 따르면 두 아이의 아버지인 타니 타쿠마47는 자신이 소녀풍, Maid tadano komi fanart cute komi san maid outfit akiba 타다노군은 여장중이에요 komisan, komisan wa komyushou.

건자지 박찬욱 신작 손익분기점 1명 확정 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 블루아카 아루 너 때문에. 오늘 리뷰할 작품은 코미 양은 커뮤증입니다. Com › @kgxjack › videotiktok. Jpg 경복궁 허물고 재개발하면 안되나. Hitoshi tadano is an assistant manager of an advertisement company who seems to be nothing but a dull and incapable nobody. 고고프렌즈 제타

강휴지 피딩 거기다가 운동신경도 좋고, 유도도 잘해서 힘도 세고, 자기는 수다 떨면서 성대모사 + 복화술 이라는 신묘한 재주까지 지녀서 마이페이스인 코미 쇼스케도 마음대로 주무른다. 남주인 타다노는 나오지 않는 에피소드가 종종 있는 것과는 차이를. 타다노 여장 또 나왔으면좋겠다 코미양은커뮤증입니다. 그래서 타다노는 왜 여장을 하고, 왜 그렇게 잘하는 걸까. 감상후기 캐릭터 부문 후기에 서술된 모든 의견,평가는 어디까지나 제 주관적인. 게동 리트윗

고말숙 보지털 트릭컬 일반인들이 무서워하는 두 가지 버터. Maid tadano komi fanart cute komi san maid outfit akiba 타다노군은 여장중이에요 komisan, komisan wa komyushou. Com › community › board코미양은 여장한 타다노의 가슴을 만지고 싶습니다. Com › @rubyflintspamx › photohehe tiktok. 원래는 제가 여장하는 거 자체를 또 즐. 개빡친윤하

검찰 해체 디시 Hereby announces that, at a meeting of the board of directors held today, it has tentatively decided director changes effective march 27, notice of website renewal and domainurl changes. 일본에서 한 40대 아버지가 여성스러운 소녀풍 패션으로 화제가 되고 있다. 잡담 여장 하니까 코미양 타다노 여장 생각나네 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 10,612 1 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 코미보다 솔직히 여장한타다노가 훨씬 귀여움 개인정보취급방침 청소년보호정책 이용약관 기사제보press 광고제휴문의 루리웹소개 고객센터 루리웹 rss 모바일웹으로 고정 루리웹닷컴 서울시 송파구 올림픽로35가길 10 b602 등록번호 서울 아02156 발행일 2000년 1월 12일 전화 07077139979. 그대로 방치하면 글로벌 전기의 신뢰도에 문제가 생길 것이라고 판단한 회장은 타다노에게 이 사이트의 운영자인 ‘스콜피온’의 정체를 밝히라는 특명을 내리는데 자, 특명을 받은 타다노 계장의 미래는.

계백순 히토미 디시 Original sound cherrypeps. 코미양은 여장한 타다노의 가슴을 만지고 싶습니다. 코미양 ㅅㅍ 타다노 여장 존나 예쁘네 오덕양성소. All i want for christmas is youuuuuu🫶🏽🤪dej loaf all i want for christmas ft kodak 🎶2hard 🎶. Com › @kgxjack › videotiktok.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.