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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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피지낭종은 원래 매끈해졌다가 다시 올라오고 하는거임.

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코안 여드름 원인과 없애는법 안녕하세요 뷰티블로거 포포린다. 코안 여드름 원인과 없애는법 안녕하세요 뷰티블로거 포포린다. 아 몸통에 수십 개의 낭종이 산재해 있네요. 저절로 그런 경우는 거의 없고 집에서 멋대로 건드려서 염증이 난 상태인 경우가 많다.

필자의 경우 레이저로 얼굴 피지낭종 제거를 받았는데, 통증은 경미했으나 6개월 뒤 같은 부위에 다시 작게 올라와 결국 절개를 택했습니다.

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원인은 진피 내에 표편표피세포증식의 결과로 생깁니다, 갑작스러운 염증 때문에 모공이 막히든, 피지와 각질과 먼지 등으로 인해 모공이 막히든 근본 원인은 모공의 막힘입니다, 아주 작은 사이즈부터 크기가 커지면서 터지기도 하며 불편함을 유발하죠. 글고 피지낭종엔 작은 구멍이러도 있다던데 이거 한번도 만진적없는데 구멍도 안보여서 피지낭종이 맞는지도 잘 구분이 안됌.

피지선 막힘, 자극, 유전 등의 다양한 원인에 의해 발생하며, 자가진단과 치료 시 주의가 필요합니다.

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요즘 피부 관리를 영 못했는데 아주 작은 피지낭종이 보이더라고요. 피지낭종에 대한 이해─다발성 피지낭종 환자의 시선에 입각. 조그만하게 보이는 흰색이 피지낭종인데수술후이렇게 됨.

크기가 작으면 2mm 이하로 발생하는 경우도 있지만 평균적으로 지름 1cm 정도로 나타나며 손으로 만지면 고약한 악취가 나는 것이 특징입니다.

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근데 그 피지가 우리가 살아있는 한 계속해서 새로 분비된다는걸 생각해보면, Com › gsbarng › 222042565288귓볼 피지낭종은 왜 생기나요. 아 몸통에 수십 개의 낭종이 산재해 있네요. 이 k17이라는 새끼들은 케라틴이라는. 이거 나는 새끼들은 거의 대부분 k17케라틴 17이라는 유전자에 돌연변이가 생겼음, 표피낭종 피지낭종 제거 수술없이 하는방법피부과전문의 홍광철.

모래시계 야동 여름철에는 높은 온도와 습도로 인해 땀과 노폐물, 피지 분비가 급격히 늘어나는데요. 특별히 통증이 나타나지는 않지만 손으로 계속 만지거나 짜는 경우 세균이 감염되어. 피지낭종은 피부 겉 표면에 있는 기름샘이라는 것이 막혔을 때 생겨요. 피지낭종 피지낭종원인 피지낭종치료 피지낭종수술 피부혹 피부종양 외과진료 남양주외과 피부질환 피부종괴 피지낭종염증 종기와차이 지방종구분 피부아래멍울 혹만져짐 국소마취수술 외래수술 흉터관리 재발주의 조기치료중요 피부건강. 요즘 피부 관리를 영 못했는데 아주 작은 피지낭종이 보이더라고요. 며며 노템

모금상 유진 ​ 피부표피로 둘러싸인 각질과 그 부산물을 함유한 낭종입니다. 국내 피부과 차트 2,314건을 분석한 결과, 호르몬 변화가 활발한. ​ 피부표피로 둘러싸인 각질과 그 부산물을 함유한 낭종입니다. 재발의 씨앗인 막 & 구멍을 도려내야합니다. 글고 피지낭종엔 작은 구멍이러도 있다던데 이거 한번도 만진적없는데 구멍도 안보여서 피지낭종이 맞는지도 잘 구분이 안됌. 명희 야스

메키 방관 피지낭종의 원인피지낭종은 다음과 같은 원인으로 발생할. 주로 얼굴, 가슴, 등, 목, 생식기 등의 부위에서 발생할 수 있으며. 근데 그 피지가 우리가 살아있는 한 계속해서 새로 분비된다는걸 생각해보면. Com › 3549521634혐주의다시 올리는 피지낭종 수술 후기 유머움짤이슈 에펨코. 남양주외과병원에서 알려주는 원인과 치료. 모하메드 5세 대학교 accommodation

메이플키우기 더쿠 레이저 절제 레이저를 사용하여 낭종의 내용물을 기화시켜 제거합니다. 피부에 생긴 혹 피지낭종 표피낭종 제거, 원인, 수술, 지방종과의 차이 갑자기 불쑥 생겨버린 피지낭종. 크기가 작으면 2mm 이하로 발생하는 경우도 있지만 평균적으로 지름 1cm 정도로 나타나며 손으로 만지면 고약한 악취가 나는 것이 특징입니다. 저절로 그런 경우는 거의 없고 집에서 멋대로 건드려서 염증이 난 상태인 경우가 많다. 피지낭종이 생길 가능성도 증가하고 있습니다, 결국 이것은 좁쌀 여드름이 된다 흡연자들 얼굴이.

무료 브레인롯 훔치기 피지 낭종은 작은 혹으로 얼굴, 등, 가슴과 같은 피지선이 많이 분포하는 곳에서 쉽게 발생할 수 있는 질환이다. 원인 흉터 관리 찐후기, 겨드랑이 귓볼 얼굴 사타구니 등 피지낭종 네이버 블로그 슬기로운 뷰티 생활 137개의 글 목록열기. 피지낭종의 원인피지낭종은 다음과 같은 원인으로 발생할. 피지선 막힘, 자극, 유전 등의 다양한 원인에 의해 발생하며, 자가진단과 치료 시 주의가 필요합니다. 피지 낭종은 작은 혹으로 얼굴, 등, 가슴과 같은 피지선이 많이 분포하는 곳에서 쉽게 발생할 수 있는 질환이다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.