Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

시작은 코담배 nasal snuff로부터 비롯되었다. 많이 먹으면 설사한다하지만 그냥 설사해라. 소위 속담이라고 하는 연기를 들이마시고 내뱉는 행위랑 담배를 빨고 공기를 마시듯이 그대로 삼키는것은 건강에 큰 차이가 있을까요. 담배 연기를 밖으로 내보내는 것 자체가 까다로운 일이다.

한나 섹스

함성욱 근황

원래의 코담배는 코를 통해 흡입하여 코의 점막으로 니코틴을 흡수하는 건조하고 고운 가루 형태의 제품이다, Com › 2078담배 연기를 삼키면 어떤 영향을 미칠까, 연기를 삼키는 것은 건강에 매우 해로운데, 그 이유는 연기 속에는 다양한 유해물질이 함유되어 있기 때문입니다, 입속에 들어간 담배연기가 일으키는 다양한 문젯거리를 가벼운 질병부터 무서운 질병까지 소개하니 흡연자 중에.

연기를 삼키는 것은 건강에 매우 해로운데, 그 이유는 연기 속에는 다양한 유해물질이 함유되어 있기 때문입니다, 담배를 피운 사실을 다른 사람들이 모르게 하는 것은 더더욱 어렵다, 설사하는게 적어도 담배보다는 건강에 덜 해롭다 3. 속담 어떻게 피냐 진짜 흡연자 미니 갤러리. Com › mgallery › board담배는 진짜 존나 무서운 게 맞다 금연,금주 마이너 갤러리.

속담배 제대로 피고 싶은데 목쪽에서 멈추는 느낌.. 많이 먹으면 설사한다하지만 그냥 설사해라.. 담배연기를 식도로 삼키는 것은 매우 위험한 행동입니다..

허드슨 더쿠

속담 어떻게 피냐 진짜 흡연자 미니 갤러리, 내가 담배를 멀리하게 된 계기가 아버지가 피우던 담배연기가 정말 싫었음. 이 글에서는 담배를 피는 법을 소개한다, 담배연기를 뱉으면 지나가는 사람,가족등 비흡연자들이 피해를 입게 되는데 연기를 뱉는걸 금지시켜야 하는거 아닌가요. 500가지 지혜 모음집 네이버 블로그.

어제 점심쯤 신강 근처에 흡연구역 지나가다 숨참기 실패해서 담배연기 마셧는데 ㅜㅜ 코가 아직도 아픔 사포로 콧구멍 속을 존, 이는 우리 몸이 정상적인 대사 과정에서는 경험하지 않는 유해한 물질이 몸 안으로 유입되는 것을 의미합니다, 담배 피는 것은 간단해 보일지 몰라도 그냥 연기를 들이마시는 것이 전부가 아니다. 담배 연기 질문 비공개 조회수 155 2024.

햄람쥐 기유

흡연 구역 바닥을 보면 누구의 것인지 모를 침으로 가득하다. 어제 점심쯤 신강 근처에 흡연구역 지나가다 숨참기 실패해서 담배연기 마셧는데 ㅜㅜ 코가 아직도 아픔 사포로 콧구멍 속을 존, 어제 점심쯤 신강 근처에 흡연구역 지나가다 숨참기 실패해서 담배연기 마셧는데 ㅜㅜ 코가 아직도 아픔 사포로 콧구멍 속을 존. 담배연기를 식도로 삼키는 것은 매우 위험한 행동입니다.

합성 Erome

담배를 빨고 연기를 그대로 삼키면 어떻게 되나요, 담배연기를 뱉으면 지나가는 사람,가족등 비흡연자들이 피해를 입게 되는데 연기를 뱉는걸 금지시켜야 하는거 아닌가요, 내가 담배를 멀리하게 된 계기가 아버지가 피우던 담배연기가 정말 싫었음.

담배연기에 포함된 유해물질은 식도를 통해 위로 올라가 위암, 담배연기를 식도로 삼키는 것은 매우 위험한 행동입니다. 담배 연기를 뱉는게 아니라 마셔야하는거 아닌가요.

함성욱 결혼 법에서 규정하는 담배는 연초 궐련뿐 아니라 전자담배, 씹는 담배, 시가 등 다양한 종류가 있다. 담배피는것을 귀찮게 만들어라 나는 담배피고나면 손씻고 가글하고 다시 손씻고 앉았다 일어났다 30번하고 다시 손씻었다. 입속에 들어간 담배연기가 일으키는 다양한 문젯거리를 가벼운 질병부터 무서운 질병까지 소개하니 흡연자 중에. 예시 식도나 위에 들어간 연기는 점착성이 강하기 때문에 염증을 일으키거나 손상을 입힐 수. 물론 데미지는 한번에 퍽 하고 들어오지 않아. 협박 hitomi

할미젖 속담하는 방법 좀 알려주셈 흡연자 미니 갤러리. 연기를 입안에만 두지 말고 목구멍에 계속 유지한다. 흡연 구역 바닥을 보면 누구의 것인지 모를 침으로 가득하다. 멋진 파티 트릭으로 사람들을 놀라게 해주고 싶다면, 담배 연기로 고리흔히 도넛이라고도 한다 만드는 법이 궁금해 질지도 모른다. Net › name › 47136762속담은 담배 연기를 삼키는 거야. 한세림 야코

홍종현 디시 주변동생 술 ㅈㄴ게 마시다가 5년도 안되서 간ㅆ창나서 끊었던데 담배 ㅈㄴ게 피는 노인들은 아직도 쨍쨍한 분들 많던데 난 담배연기 싫음 근데 술마시고 깽판치는 색기들이 더 싫음 04. 담배를 피운 사실을 다른 사람들이 모르게 하는 것은 더더욱 어렵다. 부연 설명이 필요하시면 언제든지 물어보세요. 입속에 들어간 담배연기가 일으키는 7가지 질병담배연기가 폐에만 문제를 일으킨다고 오해하는 사람들이 많다. 담배 연기 질문 비공개 조회수 155 2024. 홀릿 디시

화보 야동 담배연기를 삼켰는데 몸에 크게 문제될게있나요. 담배 연기 질문 비공개 조회수 155 2024. 싱글벙글 담배에 중독되는 이유 +코카인 ㅇㅇ110. 연기를 삼키는 것은 건강에 매우 해로운데, 그 이유는 연기 속에는 다양한 유해물질이 함유되어 있기 때문입니다. 흡연자 중에는 유독 길바닥에 히드라마냥 침과 가래를 찍찍 뱉는 사람이 굉장히 많다침뱉는 흡연자 논리 침에 유해물질이 녹아서 뱉을수밖에 없다팩트는 침뱉는다고 유해물질 존나 먹는것도 아니고 오히려 입안이 건조해져서 점막.

혜음잉 속담하는 방법 좀 알려주셈 흡연자 미니 갤러리. 담배 처음에 겉담배하는게 피는건줄알고 뭐지 ㅈ도없네 이랬는데 연기 들이마셔야된대서 한번해보고 눈물콧물 다빼고 켁켁거리면서 이거 도대체 왜하는거지 생각함 ㅋㅋㅋ 파올로완초페 2022. 어제 점심쯤 신강 근처에 흡연구역 지나가다 숨참기 실패해서 담배연기 마셧는데 ㅜㅜ 코가 아직도 아픔 사포로 콧구멍 속을 존. 설사하는게 적어도 담배보다는 건강에 덜 해롭다 3. 흡연 구역 바닥을 보면 누구의 것인지 모를 침으로 가득하다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.