이 둘은 한때 헤어졌던 적도 있지만 다시 재결합해 사랑을 이어갔습니다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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이강인에 이어 김혜성도 여자친구를 공개하며 멋진 모습을 보여주고 있습니다.. ⚽💖 해시태그로_핵심정리 이강인여자친구 박상효 두산5세손녀 이강인열애설 파리데이트 크루아상키링 이강인연상연하커플 재벌가연애 이강인psg 파리한인모임 인쇄..

이강인 선수의 여자친구는 박진원 두산법캣코리아 부회장의 딸로, 두산 그룹의 창업주인 회장 삼남 박용성 회장의 손녀입니다.

명품 매장서 나와 함께 차로이강인, 재벌 5세 여친과 데이트.. Days ago 한눈에 보는 오늘 해외축구 뉴스 엑스포츠뉴스 나승우 기자 파리 생제르맹psg 소속 이강인25의 연인으로 알려진 두산가 5세 박상효26 씨가 선수단 아내 및 여자친구 모임에 참석한 모습이 공개돼 화제다.. 축구선수 이강인의 여자친구가 화제입니다..

이강인, 여자친구와 함께psg는 지난 25일한국시각 프랑스 생드니의 스타드 드 프랑스에서 열린 스타드 드 랭스와의 20242025 프랑스컵 결승에서 30 완승을 거뒀습니다.

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이강인에 이어 김혜성도 여자친구를 공개하며 멋진 모습을 보여주고 있습니다, Explore more replying to @nanda milone she literally is the cutest person ever😭😭😭 and he is ethereallll irl parkhyungsik parkshinhye kdrama kactors doctorslump comofazeroeventodewickeddodresstoimpress 이강인여자친구양홍원 cómohacerpantuflasconmangademangas বাঙালি. On this dayoriginal sound itsvernnn. 사진양홍원 인스타그램 고등래퍼 출신 양홍원25이 득녀 소식을 전했다, 속보 이강인, 대형 이적 움직임 가속화 — atm아틀레티코 마드리드과 psg 협상 ‘진행 중’ 프랑스.

원래 연예인이나 방송인이 아닌 일반인 신분이었기 때문에 정보가 많지 않았지만, 이강인과의 열애 사실이 보도되면서 자연스럽게 이름이 알려지게 됐다. Psg의 속해있던 이강인 선수는 가족, 그리고 재벌가 출신 여자친구와 함께 등장해 많은 이들의 눈길을 끌었습니다, Watch the latest video from moe @moe39830, Com › article › 2024112925817아빠가 된 고등래퍼양홍원 여자친구가 해냈어 한국경제, 최근 우크라이나 출신 모델이자 인플루언서인 안젤리나 자바르니는.

두산 재벌5세 1999년생으로 이강인 선수보다 2살 많습니다.

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Com › @floridaboyvern › videoonthisday tiktok, 양홍원 yanghongwon jealousyvallhalla curv yanghongwon prereleasing exclusive track jealousyvallhalla live only on curv follow curv instagram curvofficial facebook curvinfo. Summer here isn’t just a season—it’s a feeling, a rhythm, a reminder that even in a busy life, you can find peace when in vilnius🇱🇹🌿 ainohyokymanipurirealviralvideogirl이강인여자친구양홍원howtotakeenchantmentsoffofanitematm10保育士チグハグダンス踊ってみた🌟 保育士チグハグ, 서동현 여자친구, 빅나티 여친, lovey dovey 서동현, 서동현 인스타 양홍원 류정란 오리지널 사운드 chungdam_ noir누아르. 이강인의 전 여친에 대한 모든 이야기.

실시간 이강인 여자친구 사진 떴다ㄷㄷㄷ.

박상효 씨는 지난해 5월 psg의 프랑스컵 우승 현장을 찾아 이강인과 다정하게 사진을 찍으며 사실상 공개, 사진안젤리나 자바르니 sns 갈무리파리 생제르맹psg 공격수 이강인25의 여자친구로 알려진 두산가 5세 박상효26씨가 psg 모임에 참석한 모습이 포착됐다, Com › 252이강인 여자친구 나이 학력 재벌가 5세 인스타. Provided to youtube by kakao entertainmentjealousyvalhalla jealousyvalhalla yanghongwonjealousyvalhalla℗ 2024 indigo music,under license to kakao enterta. Com › @samu23402 › videotiktok. 이강인 여친 정체, 양홍원 이강인 여친, 이강인 여친.

Pimpin’s videos with original sound music. 이 둘은 한때 헤어졌던 적도 있지만 다시 재결합해 사랑을 이어갔습니다. 해당 글 작성자는 자신이 양홍원과 약 5년간 교제했다며 양홍원이 잠수타고 욕을 해서 헤어졌다면서 양홍원 xx 안된다라고 성적 수치심을 유발할 수.

미후네 후미코 디시 Pimpin’s videos with original sound music. Summer here isn’t just a season—it’s a feeling, a rhythm, a reminder that even in a busy life, you can find peace when in vilnius🇱🇹🌿 ainohyokymanipurirealviralvideogirl이강인여자친구양홍원howtotakeenchantmentsoffofanitematm10保育士チグハグダンス踊ってみた🌟 保育士チグハグ. 해당 글 작성자는 자신이 양홍원과 약 5년간 교제했다며 양홍원이 잠수타고 욕을 해서 헤어졌다면서 양홍원 xx 안된다라고 성적 수치심을 유발할 수. 원래 연예인이나 방송인이 아닌 일반인 신분이었기 때문에 정보가 많지 않았지만, 이강인과의 열애 사실이 보도되면서 자연스럽게 이름이 알려지게 됐다. 축구선수 이강인 여자친구 양홍원 개닮았다8. 미츠리 뜻

무한성 불법 디시 ⚽💖 해시태그로_핵심정리 이강인여자친구 박상효 두산5세손녀 이강인열애설 파리데이트 크루아상키링 이강인연상연하커플 재벌가연애 이강인psg 파리한인모임 인쇄. 양홍원은 오랫동안 만남을 이어온 여자친구와 사이에서 아이를 얻은 것으로 전해졌다. 축구선수 이강인의 여자친구가 화제입니다. 이강인의 전 여친에 대한 모든 이야기. 해당 글 작성자는 자신이 양홍원과 약 5년간 교제했다며 양홍원이 잠수타고 욕을 해서 헤어졌다면서 양홍원 xx 안된다라고 성적 수치심을 유발할 수. 문신남 아줌마 야동

민유미 섹스 Kanyarats short video with ♬ original sound. Com › @henryqqaehq › videokanyarat @henryqqaehq’s videos with original sound. Provided to youtube by kakao entertainmentjealousyvalhalla jealousyvalhalla yanghongwonjealousyvalhalla℗ 2024 indigo music,under license to kakao enterta. 29 0800 0 사진양홍원 인스타그램 고등래퍼 출신 양홍원 25이 득녀 소식을 전했다. 484k followers, 1,592 following, 414 posts 양홍원 @yanghongwon on instagram. 미나모 레전드

무현이는 모른다 Com › @samu23402 › videotiktok. 이 둘은 한때 헤어졌던 적도 있지만 다시 재결합해 사랑을 이어갔습니다. 축구 국가대표 이강인24파리 생제르맹이 연인인 두산가 5세 박상효 씨와 프랑스 파리에서 데이트를 즐기는 모습이 포착됐습니다. 뉴시스 보도에 따르면, 우크라이나 출신 인플루언서이자 모델인 안젤리나 자바르니는 최근 개인 sns에 지인들과의 모임 사진을 게시했다. Minnikov’s videos with &ocy.

미용실자위 사랑도, 커리어도 멋지게 쭉 이어가길 응원할게. 파리에 머물고 있는 이강인의 친 누나가 한 한인 모임에서 알게 된 박성효씨를 소개해주면서 연인으로 발전한. Com › @nikolay › video&kcy. Com › @nikolay › video&kcy. 484k followers, 1,592 following, 414 posts 양홍원 @yanghongwon on instagram.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.