Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

우동 가게의 종류와 주문 방식은 보통 3가지로 나뉜다. 와지마시 가와이마치에 있는 식당으로 소바, 우동, 덮밥 등 일식을 중심으로 제공하고 있다. 멘보우혼진 타카야나기점은 이시카와현 가나자와시에서 친숙한 우동을 주메뉴로 하는 매력적인 레스토랑입니다. 27 2322 퀘스트2 지금까지의 국밥 vr기기 퀘스트3 최신형 퀘스트 프로 얼굴 인식과 손 뒤로 넘기기가 가능한 비즈니스 타겟의 기기 였지만 실상은 vrchat 암캐용.

F2 Video Ranking 최우수

대마도 여행 276개의 글 목록열기 서재안에 글.. 이시카와의 추천 우동 1카가 하쿠산 소바 2쿠시카츠 다나카 가나자와점 3햐쿠망고쿠 우동 오우미초점 4겐파치 카타마치점 5다이코쿠야 6다이누키야 7코무기 8쇼우..

Ehohin

일본 최대의 미식 사이트 tabelog에서는 현재 이시카와에서 인기 우동 252곳을 소개하고 있습니다. 5cm 이상이며, 넓은 것은 10cm에 가까울 정도입니다. 후쿠오카 50개의 글 목록열기 후쿠오카. 제일 인기가 많은 메뉴는 790엔인 갈비붓가케 우동인데요. ㄴㅍㅇ 회원등급 블루 2달이상 한달정액제를 끊은사람임을 인정함.

가나자와우동1년을 기다린 버섯모듬우동 키노코돗사리 네이버 블로그 가나자와 식당추천 73개의 글 목록열기. 규나베우동 락 카나자와 시, 이시카와 현우동의 레스토랑 정보를 확인하고 싶다면 autoreserve에서, 단순한 국물 음식에서 하나의 ‘장르’로 거듭난 것이다. 후쿠와우치福わ家라는 80년 된 우동집인데.

고마츠 우동 마츠오 바쇼도 사랑한 에도 시대부터의. 사누키의 향기 이시카와 우동 come to marugame, 세계 배구의 스타 플레이어 중 한 명으로, 남자 배구에서 매우 이례적으로 세계적인 수준 으로 평가받는 아시아 선수이다. 일본 ‘사토 요스케’의 분점 격인데 조리장은 1970년 요리를 시작한 원로 일본인이지만 주인은 한국인이다. 순서는 내 하드디스크에 저장한 순서라 순위가 아님. 왓츠인마이블로그 2025블로그챌린지 마루가메우동 이시카와우동 마루가메맛집 사누키우동 일본우동맛집 마루가메여행 카가와맛집 카가와우동 일본현지맛집 일본우동추천 우동성지 사누키우동맛집 일본여행우동 인쇄.

순서는 내 하드디스크에 저장한 순서라 순위가 아님.. 물론 위의 메뉴처럼 단품 우동을 시킬 수 있습니다.. 일본 전국적으로 사랑받는 사누키 우동..

Dj 릴 캔디 근황

종류： 우동 우동×가나자와 우동×가나자와 주변 우동×이시카와 소바 소바×가나자와 소바×가나자와 주변 소바×이시카와 덮밥 덮밥×가나자와 덮밥×가나자와 주변 덮밥×이시카와 예산： jpy 999 jpy 999 가격대： 목요일, 일요일, 공휴일 점포정보 상세 메뉴. 나가사키 짬뽕을 처음으로 개발한 시카이로의 4대째 대표 친 마사히로陳優継에 의하면 복건성 출신 화교들이 나가사키에 정착해 살면서 복건성의 read more. 대연회실과 개인실도 갖춘 점포는 총 120석 규모의 큰 규모로, 27 2322 퀘스트2 지금까지의 국밥 vr기기 퀘스트3 최신형 퀘스트 프로 얼굴 인식과 손 뒤로 넘기기가 가능한 비즈니스 타겟의 기기 였지만 실상은 vrchat 암캐용, 메뉴판을 보고, 주문하면 테이블로 서빙되는 방식, 우동 가게의 종류와 주문 방식은 보통 3가지로 나뉜다.

delicious bean 얼굴 왓츠인마이블로그 2025블로그챌린지 마루가메우동 이시카와우동 마루가메맛집 사누키우동 일본우동맛집 마루가메여행 카가와맛집 카가와우동 일본현지맛집 일본우동추천 우동성지 사누키우동맛집 일본여행우동 인쇄. 종류： 우동 우동×가나자와 우동×가나자와 주변 우동×이시카와 소바 소바×가나자와 소바×가나자와 주변 소바×이시카와 덮밥 덮밥×가나자와 덮밥×가나자와 주변 덮밥×이시카와 예산： jpy 999 jpy 999 가격대： 목요일, 일요일, 공휴일 점포정보 상세 메뉴. 우동 종류부터 투어까지, 다카마쓰 우동의 모든 것. 후쿠오카 50개의 글 목록열기 후쿠오카. 일본 미식 여행을 계획하고 있다면 ‘우동’을 빼놓을 수 없습니다. di한거 웹툰

es-101 mib 27 2322 난 vr 우동보다 노모3d야동이 더 재밌더라 관음증인가 _. 개인적으로 후쿠오카 우동 정말 좋아하는데요. 이웃추가 2017년 11월에 데뷔하여 꾸준히 활동하다가 정확하지는 않지만, 2019년 말쯤부터 작품들이 나오지 않고 있는 이시카와 유나 입니다. 왓츠인마이블로그 2025블로그챌린지 마루가메우동 이시카와우동 마루가메맛집 사누키우동 일본우동맛집 마루가메여행 카가와맛집 카가와우동 일본현지맛집 일본우동추천 우동성지 사누키우동맛집 일본여행우동 인쇄. 주문이 들어가고 나서 튀긴 튀김은 계절마다 제철 야채를 즐길 수. dlsite role

erome korea 이시카와현의 엄선 음식 3선이것만은 먹고 싶은 명물향토. 와지마시 가와이마치에 있는 식당으로 소바, 우동, 덮밥 등 일식을 중심으로 제공하고 있다. 물론 위의 메뉴처럼 단품 우동을 시킬 수 있습니다. 이번에는 여러 종류의 우동과 함께 곁들이는 사이드 메뉴를 소개한다. 일본 미식 여행을 계획하고 있다면 ‘우동’을 빼놓을 수 없습니다. diptorial

erome 리얼돌 사누키우동의 기원이 마루가메시와 세이산지역 인근으로 전해지는 만큼, 오랜 역사를 자랑하는 인기 우동 가게들이 다수 포진해있어 우동 투어에서 빼놓을 수 없는 지역이다. 화학 조미료를 일절 사용하지 않고, 무첨가의 국물로 「안심이라고 하는 맛」을 제공하고 있습니다. 갈빗살이 들어가 있고 국물이 살짝만 자작하게 있는. 후쿠오카 하카타 맛집 에비스야 우동 메뉴. 물론 위의 메뉴처럼 단품 우동을 시킬 수 있습니다.

erome fantia 뭐랄까, 2프로 더 깊다고 해야 하나 한국에도 카마다케우동 맛집이 많다만, 본토의 맛은 역시 무시하지 못한달까. 사진, 지도, 상세 정보, 관련 기사, 주변 관광지 및 식당을 확인할 수 있습니다. 가나자와우동1년을 기다린 버섯모듬우동 키노코돗사리 네이버 블로그 가나자와 식당추천 73개의 글 목록열기. 마지막 방문에는 조금 기대에 어긋났었지만 그럼에도, 여기는 한국과 확연히 다른 우동강국 일본의 우동다운 맛이 있다. 오늘 함께 떠나볼 여행지는 일본 이시카와현에 있는 여행지입니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.