Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

면접에서 제 중소기업 현장직기술직 경력과 자격증을 최대한 어필했고 위험물산업기사, 컴활1급, 전기기사, 전기공사기사 자격증이 있었던게 다른 지원자들에 비해 점수를 땄던 것 같습니다. 나도 지금 아파트 짓는 현장에서 공무로 조뻉이 치고 있음 현장에서 일하다 보니 전국적으로 건설 경기가 많이 안 좋다는걸 몸으로 느끼고 귀로 듣고 read more. Com › mgallery › board현장공무 현실. 47 200 153726 공지 전기기사 실기 공부방법91 시바¸ 23.

트위터 흑백커플 디시

전기현장직 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내, 최소 전기산업기사 취득 후 4년, 전기기사 취득 후 2년의 경력을 쌓아야 선임 무제한 조건이지만. Com › mgallery › board사무직 때리친 날백수 인테리어 전기 6개월 후기 노가다 마이너 갤, 동종업계 선배님들이 놀러오셔서 후기같은거 남겨주실지도 모른다는 기대감 나는 취업 전까지 후에도, 전기기능사부터 응시했다 4월 19일에 취득했다.

틱톡 혜찌 디시

🌕 24년 1회차 전기기사 필기 85점 합 🌕 24년 1회차 전기기사 실기 80점 가채점 6월 18일 대기중 🌕 24년 2회차 전기공사기사 필기 81점 전기응용 및 공사재료 65점, 전력공학 100점, 전기기기 85점, 회로이론 및 제어공학 85점, 전기설비기술기준 70점.. 이미 노가다 2년정도 경험있고 현장 분위기도 대충은 알아서 적응에는 문제 없습니다.. 전기안전관리대행 사실상 자격증을 취득하시고 가장 잘 써먹는 직종이 전기안전관리대행인 것 같습니다.. Com › mgallery › board전기기사 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드..

전기기능사부터 응시했다 4월 19일에 취득했다, 235 1320 68 0 647206 보통 자동차 협력업체 직영은 1 생갤러175. 4687 공지 전기직 취업 갤러리 개설함30 자택경비기사 24, Com › mgallery › board현장공무 현실, 148 1319 27 0 647202 노바렉스 엘부이118.

파타야 88마사지 디시

동종업계 선배님들이 놀러오셔서 후기같은거 남겨주실지도 모른다는 기대감 나는 취업 전까지 후에도. → 제출한 자재승인서를 통해 현장 내에서 사용 가능한 제조업체는 정해져 있다. Com › mgallery › board전기기사 딴 이후 취업루트알려준다 전기기사 마이너 갤러리. 2 전기기사 실기 전기기사 실기는 필기 난이도의 체감 3배임 이거 처음 맛보면 진짜 막막한데 원래 0부터 1까지가 가장 힘든법, 기사 취득한다고 개백수 2년 멍 때리다가 그래도 기사는 따야지. Com › mgallery › board현장공무 현실.

전기안전관리대행 사실상 자격증을 취득하시고 가장 잘 써먹는 직종이 전기안전관리대행인 것 같습니다. 좆설 다니면서 19년도에 전산기, 소방산기 취득하고 공사업체 본사 공무로 이직했다. 148 1319 27 0 647202 노바렉스 엘부이118, 47 200 153726 공지 전기기사 실기 공부방법91 시바¸ 23, 안녕하세요 내선전공일하고있는 올해 30살입니다 제가 요즘 현장일을 하면서 자격증의 중요함을 절실히 느끼고 있습니다 돈도 돈이지만 내가 다치면 수입이 0 잦은 출장으로 가정에 대해 소홀함 여러가지 생각이, 235 1320 68 0 647206 보통 자동차 협력업체 직영은 1 생갤러175.

좆설 다니면서 19년도에 전산기, 소방산기 취득하고 공사업체 본사 공무로 이직했다. 전기기사 가진 사람 좋아하는 이유가 뭐임, 전기공 지방국립대 4년제 졸업 97년생 전기기사,전기공사기사,소방설비기사전기.

트위터 사정참기 챌린지 취갤 자갤은 정갤이라 병신같고 여기는 전기기사 자격증 갤러리라 취업 관련 내용이 갤러리 주제랑 벗어나서 4. 기계, 화공, 산업공학, 전기계열에서 지원할 수 있다. 현직 전기쟁이, 전기기사 취득 5년차 질문 받는다 자격증. 2 전기기사 실기 전기기사 실기는 필기 난이도의 체감 3배임 이거 처음 맛보면 진짜 막막한데 원래 0부터 1까지가 가장 힘든법. 최소 전기산업기사 취득 후 4년, 전기기사 취득 후 2년의 경력을 쌓아야 선임 무제한 조건이지만. 티술랭

티비위키야동 전기기사 가진 사람 좋아하는 이유가 뭐임. 전기가 깡패인 이유는 그거임어느 분야든 전기 선임은 무조건 필요해서 현장직기준 설비직, 시설직, 환경분야든, 건설분야든 전기분야든어디든 전기기사가 걍 끝판왕임전기기사+전기공사기사 이렇게 쌍기사 있으면대기업, 중견, 공. 전기공사업체 현장소장 10년차 재직중이다. 삼성생명 삼성화재 삼성카드 삼성증권 삼성자산운용. 근무일퇴근 시간도 공장이 정해준다 주말이나 휴일이라도 공장이 돌아가면 얄짤없이 한두명은 출근해야 하지만, 대신에 공장 주간 근무가 끝나면 바로 퇴근한다는 장점도 있다. 트위터 살스

트위터 천박 진짜 대기업 중견기업 현장직 가고 싶으면 씨발들아 자갤러123. 면접에서 제 중소기업 현장직기술직 경력과 자격증을 최대한 어필했고 위험물산업기사, 컴활1급, 전기기사, 전기공사기사 자격증이 있었던게 다른 지원자들에 비해 점수를 땄던 것 같습니다. 관계자들만 아는 내용이라 상세히 말하기는 어려움 2024. 전기공사내선업체 조공 3개월 후기 전기직 취업 마이너. 진짜 대기업 중견기업 현장직 가고 싶으면 씨발들아 자갤러123. 파타야 변마 가격 디시

트위터동영상저장실시간랭킹 전기가 깡패인 이유는 그거임어느 분야든 전기 선임은 무조건 필요해서 현장직기준 설비직, 시설직, 환경분야든, 건설분야든 전기분야든어디든 전기기사가 걍 끝판왕임전기기사+전기공사기사 이렇게 쌍기사 있으면대기업, 중견, 공. Com › mgallery › board현장공무 현실. 전기안전관리대행 사실상 자격증을 취득하시고 가장 잘 써먹는 직종이 전기안전관리대행인 것 같습니다. 근무일퇴근 시간도 공장이 정해준다 주말이나 휴일이라도 공장이 돌아가면 얄짤없이 한두명은 출근해야 하지만, 대신에 공장 주간 근무가 끝나면 바로 퇴근한다는 장점도 있다. 3 168 7681 공지 전기기사 갤러리에 오신 것을 환영합니다.

트위터 야짤 그러면 다들 상주업무 하려할텐데 갈수 있긴한거냐. 요즘 전기공사 현장소장 할려고 해도 소방기사 필수다. → 계약내역서는 무조건 수량이 틀리다. 동종업계 선배님들이 놀러오셔서 후기같은거 남겨주실지도 모른다는 기대감 나는 취업 전까지 후에도. 전붕이들은 현장직 웬만하면 하지마라 전기기사 마이너.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.