Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

최근 봄수연의 이름을 딴 bomsuyeon이라는 이름으로 등록된 한 계정에는 봄수연이 재력가들에게 스폰을 받았으며, 이로인한 임신까지 했다는 내용의 글이 올라왔다. 포켓걸스는 멤버를 재정비할 예정이라고 전했다. 포켓걸스 봄수연 간단한 프로필 본명은 이수연이고 나이는 1993년 5월 13일생으로 28세이며 키는 168cm이며. 전속계약은 유지돼 있다며 포켓걸스는 멤버를 재정비할 예정이라고 언급했다.

배구 겨드랑이

사진뉴스1 그룹 포켓걸스 출신 모델 봄수연이 sns 사칭 피해를 당한 것으로 알려진 가운데 소속사 측이 이를 대응하겠다는 입장을 내놨다.. 일간스포츠 최주원 포켓걸스 출신 모델 봄수연이 sns 사칭 피해에 적극 대응할 예정이다.. 최근 봄수연의 sns로 추정되는 계정에는 봄수연이 재력가들에게 스폰을 받다가 임신을.. 해당 sns에서 봄수연을 사칭한 여성은 술을 좀 마셨다면서 레이싱 모델 시절부터 벗고 야한..

백만송희 움짤

박현지 디시

반곱슬 디시

이후 포켓걸스로 데뷔한 봄수연은 다양한 활동을 하며 얼굴을 알였다.. 이에 봄수연의 소속사 미스디카 측은 논란이 되는 sns 계정은 사칭이라며 스폰서와 임신 고백은 사실무근이다라고 공식 입장을 밝혔다.. 더불어 봄수연의 근황과 관련해서는 개인사정으로 쉬고 있다면서 전속계약은 유지돼 있다.. 특히 태아 사진까지 게재해 충격을 줬다..

8월 12일 한 미디어사는 봄수연이라는 이름의 인스타 캡처화면을 공개했는데 그 내용은 술 좀 마셨어요. 해당 게시글은 현재 삭제됐지만, 온라인상에 빠르게 퍼진거죠. 봄수연 소속사 미스디카 관계자는 해당 sns는 사칭 계정이다.

박채원 유출 디시

그녀는 지난 4일 자신의 페이스북을 통해 근황 사진을 공개했다. 포켓걸스 출신 봄수연, sns 사칭 피해스폰, 향후 법적 대응은 봄수연 본인과 논의해 결정할 것이라고 밝혔다. 이에 대해 소속사 측은 봄수연을 사칭한 계정이고 해킹을 당한 것이라며 법적 대응을 할 뜻을 알렸다.

배라소니 야듕 Kr › news › hotissues포켓걸스 봄수연, 스폰+임신 고백. 수줍은 미소가 나타내는 청순함이 100cm에 육박하는 e컵의 가슴라인과 어우러져 금세 수많은 남성팬들의. 포켓걸스는 멤버를 재정비할 예정이다고 전했다. 동아닷컴 종합 포켓걸스 봄수연, 스폰+임신 고백 사실무근sns 사칭 피해 포켓걸스 출신 모델 봄수연은 피해자였다. 최근 봄수연의 sns를 사칭한 계정에는 봄수연이 재력가들로부터 스폰을. 백만송 ㅇㅎ

방귀짤 월드컵 스포츠월드정은희 온라인 뉴스 기자 포켓걸스 출신 모델 봄수연이 sns 사칭 피해에 대응할 예정이다. 소속사 측은 봄수연의 근황에 대해 개인 사정으로 쉬고 있다고 설명했다. 최근 각종 인터넷 커뮤니티에는 봄수연 명의의 인스타그램 계정으로 충격적인 게시물 및 캡처 사진이 퍼졌다. Com › news › read사칭계정 피해 봄수연 누구. 스폰서와 임신 고백은 사실무근이라고 보도했다. 박명수 정치성향 디시

박라희 스캇 일간스포츠 최주원 포켓걸스 출신 모델 봄수연이 sns 사칭 피해에 적극 대응할 예정이다. Com › news › retrievenewsinfo봄수연, 인스타그램 사칭범 야한일→스폰서+임신→법적대응. 출처봄수연 sns 캡처그룹 포켓걸스 출신 봄수연이 sns 사칭 계정에 강력한 법적 대응을 예고했다. 그룹 포켓걸스 출신 가수 봄수연이 인스타그램 사칭 피해를 입었다. 포켓걸스 봄수연 사건 요약 네이버 블로그 방송,연예인 187개의 글 목록열기. 방구봉입니당

밤포털 디시 봄수연의 소속사 측은 한 매체와 인터뷰에서 향후 법적 대응은 봄수연 본인과 논의해 결정하겠다. 그룹 포켓걸스 출신 가수 봄수연이 sns 사칭 피해를 주장했다. 한편, 봄수연 근황에 대해서는 개인 사정으로 쉬고 있다. 포켓걸스 출신 봄수연, sns 사칭 피해스폰. 관계자는 이어 내부적으로 대응을 논의하고 있다며 봄수연은 개인적인 사정으로 현재 쉬고 있다.

백그녀갤 최근 봄수연의 sns를 사칭한 계정에는 봄수연이. Kr › read › entertain포켓걸스 봄수연, sns 사칭 피해 호소&mldr. 최근 봄수연의 인스타그램으로 추정되는 sns에는 봄수연이 재력가들에게 스폰을 받다 임신했다는 내용의 게시물이. 공개된 사진 속 봄수연은 아찔한 의상을 입고 볼륨감 넘치는 모습을 선보여 보는 이들의 시선을 사로잡았다. 일간스포츠 이강오레이싱모델 봄수연이 2014 미스디카 아웃도어 모터쇼 홍보 촬영 현장에서 포즈를 취하고 있다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.