나는 아이돌 노래를 듣지 않은 편이라 모모랜드라는 이름만 들었봤고, 연우라는 가수를 몰랐다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

연기 활동 드라마 2024년 티빙드라마 《선의의경쟁 》임현지역 2021년 jtbc 월화 드라마 《한 사람만》 하산아 2020년 kbs 2tv 월화 드라마 《좀비탐정》 연우 2021년 tv조선 예능 드라마 《어쩌다 가족》 김연우 2018년 kbs 2tv 주말 드라마 《같이 살래요》 채은수. 연우는 지난 11일 방송된 ‘2024 kbs 연기대상’에서 미니시리즈 부문 여자 우수상과 베스트 커플상을 수상하며 대세 배우의 존재감을. 모모랜드 출신 배우 연우가 2025년 2월 1일 mbc 전지적 참견 시점에 출연합니다. 이 시기에 모모랜드 팬카페에 연우가 쓴 글이 대부분 삭제되었고, 연우의 친구가 자신의 인스타그램에 연우와 같이 찍은 사진과 함께 ‘연우 아니곧다빈이 7 ’는 식으로 글을 올려 연우의 모모랜드 탈퇴설이 돌았었다.

회사–집 반복하다, 진짜 인연은 ‘여기’서 만났대요.. 연우는 지난 11일 방송된 ‘2024 kbs 연기대상’에서 미니시리즈 부문 여자 우수상과 베스트 커플상을 수상하며 대세 배우의 존재감을 입증했다.. 18세, 일러스트레이터 데뷔 20세, 홍연예술.. 나는 아이돌 노래를 듣지 않은 편이라 모모랜드라는 이름만 들었봤고, 연우라는 가수를 몰랐다..

연우 연우 프로필 본명 이다빈 출생 1996년 08월 01일 27세 신체 170cm, 49kg, B형, 250mm 가족 부모님, 언니, 반려묘 리오, 애슐리, 반려견 도꾸 학력 서울공연예술고등학교 연기예술과, 졸업 소속사 나인 아토 엔터테인먼트 데뷔 2016년 아이돌 모모 랜드를 통하여 데뷔하였습니다.

아이돌 시절에는 그룹 내에서 비주얼과 랩, 서브보컬을 맡으며 많은 사랑을 받았고, 탈퇴 후에는 배우로서 다양한.

이 시기에 모모랜드 팬카페에 연우가 쓴 글이 대부분 삭제되었고, 연우의 친구가 자신의 인스타그램에 연우와 같이 찍은 사진과 함께 ‘연우 아니곧다빈이 7 ’는 식으로 글을 올려 연우의 모모랜드 탈퇴설이 돌았었다.

2016년 걸그룹 모모랜드의 멤버로 데뷔, 2019년 그룹을 탈퇴한 후 배우로 전향하여 드라마 쌉니다 천리마마트를 시작으로 금수저, 우리 집, 오랫동안 당신을 기다렸습니다 등의 드라마에서 다양한 배역을 소화하며 배우로서.. 이 페이지에서는 25년 차 에스코트 경험을 가진 이들이 공유하는 다양한 순간들을 담은..

2026년은 성장과 추억의 해를 맞이하는 특별한 시간입니다. 줄리엔 강은 너무 영광이었고 나우즈를 열심히 응원하겠다고 화답하며 nowz 연우, nowz 시윤과 함께 홈런을 치는 동작을 맞춰 훈훈함을 더했다. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 사진9아토엔터테인먼트 제공비하인드김영우기자 배우 연우가 ‘2024 kbs 연기대상’ 2관왕의 영예를 안았다.

연우는 최근 서울 강남구 논현동에 위치한 한 카페에서 Imbc연예와 만나 진행한 Jtbc 토일드라마 옥씨부인전극본 박지숙연출 진혁 종영 인터뷰에서 이같이 말했다.

2026년은 성장과 추억의 해를 맞이하는 특별한 시간입니다. Iland 참가 편집 자세한 내용은 선우 엔하이픈iland 문서를 참고하십시오. 연우는 지난 11일 방송된 ‘2024 kbs 연기대상’에서 미니시리즈 부문 여자 우수상과 베스트 커플상을 수상하며 대세 배우의 존재감을.

한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 사진9아토엔터테인먼트 제공비하인드김영우기자 배우 연우가 ‘2024 kbs 연기대상’ 2관왕의 영예를 안았다. 나는 아이돌 노래를 듣지 않은 편이라 모모랜드라는 이름만 들었봤고, 연우라는 가수를 몰랐다, 연우는 최근 서울 강남구 논현동에 위치한 한 카페에서 imbc연예와 만나 진행한 jtbc 토일드라마 옥씨부인전극본 박지숙연출 진혁 종영 인터뷰에서 이같이 말했다. 2016년 걸그룹 모모랜드의 멤버로 데뷔, 2019년 그룹을 탈퇴한 후 배우로 전향하여 드라마 쌉니다 천리마마트를 시작으로 금수저, 우리 집, 오랫동안 당신을 기다렸습니다 등의 드라마에서 다양한 배역을 소화하며 배우로서. 멤버 연우 는 요통으로 인해 활동을 중단했고, 다른 6명은 12월 27일 sbs 2016 saf 《가요대전》에 참석했다.

재겸 역시도 연우의 정체를 알게 된 시점에서는 속으로나 그녀 앞에서나 그냥 연우라고 지칭한다, 걸그룹 모모랜드 출신 배우 연우가 아이돌 출신이지만 연기가 괜찮다라는 말을 들으면 기분이 좋다라고 밝혔다. 연우는 지난 11일 방송된 ‘2024 kbs 연기대상’에서 미니시리즈 부문 여자 우수상과 베스트 커플상을 수상하며 대세 배우의 존재감을. 연우 연우 프로필 본명 이다빈 출생 1996년 08월 01일 27세 신체 170cm, 49kg, b형, 250mm 가족 부모님, 언니, 반려묘 리오, 애슐리, 반려견 도꾸 학력 서울공연예술고등학교 연기예술과, 졸업 소속사 나인 아토 엔터테인먼트 데뷔 2016년 아이돌 모모 랜드를 통하여 데뷔하였습니다. 연우는 지난 11일 방송된 ‘2024 kbs 연기대상’에서 미니시리즈 부문 여자 우수상과 베스트 커플상을 수상하며 대세 배우의 존재감을 입증했다.

xvideos.채 모모랜드의 숨은 여신 연우의 넘사벽 과거 사진 naver blog. 3 10월, 국제구호개발 ngo 플랜코리아의 홍보대사로 위촉됐다. 모모랜드 연우 프로필이름 연우 본명 이다빈나이 1996년 8월 1일생 2025년 기준 만 28세출생지 대한민국 서울특별시신체 170cm 50kg가족 부모님, 언니반려동물 강아지 반려 중학력 서울공연예술고등학교 연기예술과 졸업데뷔 2016년 모모랜드momoland로 데뷔, 2019년 이후 배우로 전향mbti enfp. 연우는 최근 서울 강남구 논현동에 위치한 한 카페에서 imbc연예와 만나 진행한 jtbc 토일드라마 옥씨부인전극본 박지숙연출 진혁 종영 인터뷰에서 이같이 말했다. 연우는 최근 서울 강남구 논현동에 위치한 한 카페에서 imbc연예와 만나 진행한 jtbc 토일드라마 옥씨부인전극본 박지숙연출 진혁 종영 인터뷰에서 이같이 말했다. yadomg party

yg연갤 보자마자 연속 두번 쳐버림ㅋㅋ more. 나는 아이돌 노래를 듣지 않은 편이라 모모랜드라는 이름만 들었봤고, 연우라는 가수를 몰랐다. 모모랜드 출신 배우 연우가 2025년 2월 1일 mbc 전지적 참견 시점에 출연합니다. 18세, 일러스트레이터 데뷔 20세, 홍연예술. 연우는 지난 11일 방송된 ‘2024 kbs 연기대상’에서 미니시리즈 부문 여자 우수상과 베스트 커플상을 수상하며 대세 배우의 존재감을. yandex 소은

xhamster11 모모랜드 출신 배우 연우가 2025년 2월 1일 mbc 전지적 참견 시점에 출연합니다. 모모랜드 출신 배우 연우가 2025년 2월 1일 mbc 전지적 참견 시점에 출연합니다. 모모랜드 출신 배우 연우가 2025년 2월 1일 mbc 전지적 참견 시점에 출연합니다. 모모랜드 출신 배우 연우가 2025년 2월 1일 mbc 전지적 참견 시점에 출연합니다. 3 10월, 국제구호개발 ngo 플랜코리아의 홍보대사로 위촉됐다. x 계정 정지 디시

y cancan Com › universal_studeo › 224164509768모모랜드 미모 비주얼 센터 ‘연우 본명 이다빈‘ 프로필 금수저 오. 연우 연우 프로필 본명 이다빈 출생 1996년 08월 01일 27세 신체 170cm, 49kg, b형, 250mm 가족 부모님, 언니, 반려묘 리오, 애슐리, 반려견 도꾸 학력 서울공연예술고등학교 연기예술과, 졸업 소속사 나인 아토 엔터테인먼트 데뷔 2016년 아이돌 모모 랜드를 통하여 데뷔하였습니다. View all 62 comments. 이젠 재겸이 아예 남자친구가 되었고, 정체도 알고 있으니 계속 이름으로 부르거나 애칭으로 부를 듯. 이젠 재겸이 아예 남자친구가 되었고, 정체도 알고 있으니 계속 이름으로 부르거나 애칭으로 부를 듯.

yasyadong,app 회사–집 반복하다, 진짜 인연은 ‘여기’서 만났대요. 스포일러 14세, 금학중학교 재학 14세, 타 중학교로 전학. 연기 활동 드라마 2024년 티빙드라마 《선의의경쟁 》임현지역 2021년 jtbc 월화 드라마 《한 사람만》 하산아 2020년 kbs 2tv 월화 드라마 《좀비탐정》 연우 2021년 tv조선 예능 드라마 《어쩌다 가족》 김연우 2018년 kbs 2tv 주말 드라마 《같이 살래요》 채은수. 스포일러 14세, 금학중학교 재학 14세, 타 중학교로 전학. Cj enm 과 빅히트 엔터테인먼트 의 합작 아이돌 서바이벌, 리얼리티 프로그램 iland 를 통해 2020년 11월 30일 엔하이픈 으로 데뷔했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.