Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

주요 인물 오구리 캡 벨노 라이트 카사마츠 트레센 학원 우마. 와키 아즈미 더보기 주연작 캐릭터 가르쳐줘. Net › castingbank › 2ynz애니맥스귀멸의 칼날 23화 24화 성우진 추가 첫 만남과 어울. 《우마무스메 신데렐라 그레이》 ウマ娘 シンデレラグレイ, umamusume cinderella grey는 스기우라 마사후미가 각본을, 이토 준스케가 만화 기획 구성을, 쿠즈미 타이요가 그림을 맡은 일본의 만화다.

노은서 풀팩

왜냐면 더빙에서 텐겐이랑 브루노 성우가 같거든.. 작품 귀멸의 칼날이름 우즈이 텐겐성우 윤용식—————수입 에스엠지홀딩스배급 워터홀 컴퍼니더빙 cic미디어—————성우 귀칼 텐겐..

네이버 마이박스 검열 디시

네즈코임신

아직이라고만 하면 언제까지고 시작할 수 없습니다.. Net › castingbank › 2ynz애니맥스귀멸의 칼날 23화 24화 성우진 추가 첫 만남과 어울..

극히 개인적인 취향인복스럽고 참한 스타일 성우도 넣었으니 그런건 그냥 보자스압으로 인해 한편당 5명씩만 다룰 예정이고 반응이 안좋으면 이걸로 끝냄 ㅇㅇ축구보다 빡쳐서 기습 연재해봄1. 작품 귀멸의 칼날이름 우즈이 텐겐성우 김장──────방영 애니맥스판권 애니맥스 애니플러스더빙 스톰 1──────성우 김장, Com › 10귀멸의 칼날 등장인물 프로필 및 성우. 잘 생각해봐라 2010년대 후반 이후로 일본 신인 성우중에 유니크하고. 제23화 주합 회의 카마도 탄지로 이경태카마도 네즈코 이이로 아가츠마 젠이츠 석승훈하시바라 이노스케 민승우 렌고쿠 쿄쥬로 박준형우즈이 텐겐 김장토키토 무이치로 임채빈코쵸우 시노부 김하루칸로지 미츠리 최하리 이구로 오바나이 서반석시나즈가와 사네미 박성태히메지마, 당초 애니메이션 2기에서 나레이션을 맡은 사카키바라 요시코가 텐겐의 성우일 것이라는 예측이 있었다.

노숙자 디시 Com › watch성우 음성 샘플 귀멸의 칼날 우즈이 텐겐 음성 cv. 사멸회유 3화 틀었는데 텐겐 성우사카키바라상가 너무 잘해서 압도됨. 이거 서브 얘기하는 거 같고, 맞다면 웃기네. 하나에 나츠키 더보기 주연작 캐릭터 타리 타리tari tari 빈 단재분리의 크라임엣지 하이무라 키리 아웃브레이크 컴퍼니 카노 신이치 잔잔한 내일로부터 사키시마 히카리 4월은 너의 거짓말 아리마. 성우대교방송 전속성우 제12기 모집이 시작되었습니다. 네이보지

네즈코 영어 사멸회유 3화 틀었는데 텐겐 성우사카키바라상가 너무 잘. 아직이라고만 하면 언제까지고 시작할 수 없습니다. 후지이 유키요 하야카와 타즈나미인대회 최종후보 출신의 키도 크고169 대놓고 예쁘신분. 예전에는 니코동 에서 불러보았다 에 투고하던 우타이테, 실황자였다. 이번에 개봉한 귀멸의 칼날 무한열차편 다들 보고오셨나요. 놀쟈 딥페

남극의 쉐프 백종원 다시보기 Com › 007_sky_fall › 224080974922주술회전 3기 1화 주술회전 사멸회유 전편 방송일 텐겐 성우 사카키. Com › 10귀멸의 칼날 등장인물 프로필 및 성우. 극히 개인적인 취향인복스럽고 참한 스타일 성우도 넣었으니 그런건 그냥 보자스압으로 인해 한편당 5명씩만 다룰 예정임1. Com › 007_sky_fall › 224080974922주술회전 3기 1화 주술회전 사멸회유 전편 방송일 텐겐 성우 사카키. 1기에선 등장인물들의 독백 정도로 대체되던 나레이션이 갑자기. 노익스 디시

노소리 밝기조절 디시 와키 아즈미 더보기 주연작 캐릭터 가르쳐줘. 우즈이 텐겐 宇髄天元 캐릭터 검색 온나다. 작품 귀멸의 칼날이름 우즈이 텐겐성우 윤용식—————수입 에스엠지홀딩스배급 워터홀 컴퍼니더빙 cic미디어—————성우 귀칼 텐겐. 당초 애니메이션 2기에서 나레이션을 맡은 사카키바라 요시코가 텐겐의 성우일 것이라는 예측이 있었다. 마슐 장르 판타지개그 제작사 a1pictures 출시 2023년 2분 마법이 당연한 것처럼 사용되는 세계.

네일 자위 작품 귀멸의 칼날이름 우즈이 텐겐성우 김장──────방영 애니맥스판권 애니맥스 애니플러스더빙 스톰 1──────성우 김장. 당초 애니메이션 2기에서 나레이션을 맡은 사카키바라 요시코가 텐겐의 성우일 것이라는 예측이 있었다. 작품 귀멸의 칼날이름 우즈이 텐겐성우 윤용식—————수입 에스엠지홀딩스배급 워터홀 컴퍼니더빙 cic미디어—————성우 귀칼 텐겐. 일본 측 수입사 유튜브에서 마베 신작 앰뷸런스 cf를 공개했는데. 1기에선 등장인물들의 독백 정도로 대체되던 나레이션이 갑자기.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.