Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

내용은 대충 원조가 5000년의 역사를 가졌다는 인디언들의 토속 음식이 팝콘이었다고 합니다. 팝콘tv 관련 다양한 이야기를 공유하는 디시인사이드 갤러리입니다. 5g 미만, 포화지방 4g, 콜레스테롤 8mg, 단백질 2g 원재료명 옥수수 미국산 41. 내용은 대충 원조가 5000년의 역사를 가졌다는 인디언들의 토속 음식이 팝콘이었다고 합니다.

Twitter 소녀방앗간

Wonyoung Nude

다르다darda는 팝콘, 팝칩, 프레첼 등 전 세계의 맛있고 건강한 입맛을 연구하는 글로벌 스낵 전문 브랜드입니다.. 요즘 집에 있는 시간이 많아져서 ott로 영화 몰아보는 중인데 평소 영화관에.. 보통 영화관에서는 라지 사이즈로 주문하는 카라멜 팝콘인데 다르다팝콘 사이즈의 경우 m 정도의 양이였던 것 같아요 팝콘 내용 요소들을 살펴보니 총70g이며 340kcal..

Twivideo保管庫

다르다 씨네마카라멜 팝콘 200g, 4개이라는 상품의 현재 가격은 12,900입니다. Redirecting to sgall. 최대 42원 적립 5% 카드할인 배송비 3,000원조건부 아트박스호사문구 다르다 크리미카라멜 팝콘 m컵 65g 1,500원 최대 45원 적립 5% 카드할인, 8점, 리뷰 2276개를 가진 다르다 오리지널 버터 팝콘, 200g, 2개, 22%, 설탕, 물엿 옥수수전분 100%, 혼합식용유 팜올레인유 말레이시아산, 해바라기유 외국산스페인. 맛있는 시판 카라멜 팝콘을 고르는 방법과 추천인기순위 best 4.

쿠팡 가격변동 폴센트 가격증가 아이콘 8%. 다르다 팝콘 시네마팝콘 한봉은 280g으로 1,440kca입니다. 다르다darda는 팝콘, 팝칩, 프레첼 등 전 세계의 맛있고 건강한 입맛을 연구하는 글로벌 스낵 전문 브랜드입니다. 최홍철김윤태 가게 가서 떡볶이 맛 없다고 계산안하고 튀기.

Twidomga

맛있는 시판 카라멜 팝콘을 고르는 방법과 추천인기순위 best 4.. 최홍철김윤태 가게 가서 떡볶이 맛 없다고 계산안하고 튀기..

저는 전혀 몰랐는데 포스팅 쓰면서 알게 되니까 재밌고 흥미롭더라고요. 조선해양공학과 디시 자부심 자긍심 차이. 70g 375kcal 용량 대비 준수한 열량에 미국산 nongmo 옥수수를 해바라기유에 튀겨낸 까닭에 아이가 먹기에도 안전하며 고소한 풍미도 기대할 수 있는 과자다.

실제 극장에서 먹었던 맛은 그대로 인데, 가격은 가성비 좋아서 마음에 들었습니다. 팝콘tv 관련 다양한 이야기를 공유하는 디시인사이드 갤러리입니다, 저는 전혀 몰랐는데 포스팅 쓰면서 알게 되니까 재밌고 흥미롭더라고요, 다르다 커널스 씨네마 팝콘 카라멜맛 솔직후기 집에서 즐기는 영화관 팝콘 cinema pop corn caramel 씨네마 팝콘 카라멜 맛은 용량은 280g이, 오늘은 새롭게 찾아온 다르다팝콘 신상 소개 시간을 가져보려고 합니다.

Wasted Gif Transparent

Eat 다르다 darda, 맛있는 팝콘 리스트 추천 네이버 블로그 전체보기 128개의 글 목록열기, 22%, 설탕, 물엿 옥수수전분 100%, 혼합식용유 팜올레인유 말레이시아산, 해바라기유 외국산스페인. 저는 전혀 몰랐는데 포스팅 쓰면서 알게 되니까 재밌고 흥미롭더라고요, 여포가 줘 팰거 같던데 dc official app, 저번 서양인 m자 자세 모음1에 이어 2번째도 준비 다르다팝콘 커널스 씨네마 팝콘 카라멜맛, 280g, 3개 7,930원무료 1018 0114 순수.

twporn star 하지만 몇몇 리뷰에서 언급된 것처럼, 팝콘 크기가 조금 작다는 점은 아쉬웠습니다. 칼로리가 높은 편이라 맛있다고 많이 먹으면 살쪄요. 왜 인기 있는 제품인지를 알게 되었네요. 김윤태 흰둥이 디시 ilc1a8br51r71 김윤태 엄사기 도와주다가. 팝콘tv 관련 다양한 이야기를 공유하는 디시인사이드 갤러리입니다. wfwf445..com

twitter korea gay sex 팝콘tv 마이너 갤러리에서 다양한 주제의 콘텐츠를 탐색하고 커뮤니티 활동에 참여하세요. 쿠팡 가격변동 폴센트 가격증가 아이콘 8%. 편순이의먹부림 127개의 글 목록열기 activity. 맛있는 시판 카라멜 팝콘을 고르는 방법과 추천인기순위 best 4. 지금 쿠팡에서 더 저렴하고 다양한 팝콘 제품들을 확인해보세요. vip인포 불법

twioudga 다르다 팝콘 부으면서 영상 찍다가 몇개 흘려서 주워 먹었는데 오오오오 이 맛은. 오늘은 새롭게 찾아온 다르다팝콘 신상 소개 시간을 가져보려고 합니다. 炮 鷄 팝콘tv 팝콘플러스 비열한 삼거리 3월 16일오늘 3시30분 합방시작 만관부 비열한. 씨네마 팝콘 카라멜 맛 은 처음에는 살짝 실망스러웠지만 제품을 먹다 보니 오히려 이 실망스러움이 나름의 매력으로 다가왔습니다. 편순이의먹부림 127개의 글 목록열기 activity. twidpu

www xvideo. com 씨네마 팝콘 카라멜 맛 은 처음에는 살짝 실망스러웠지만 제품을 먹다 보니 오히려 이 실망스러움이 나름의 매력으로 다가왔습니다. 다르다 커널스 씨네마 팝콘 카라멜맛 솔직후기 집에서 즐기는 영화관 팝콘 cinema pop corn caramel 씨네마 팝콘 카라멜 맛은 용량은 280g이. 다르다 팝콘 부으면서 영상 찍다가 몇개 흘려서 주워 먹었는데 오오오오 이 맛은. 쿠팡 가격변동 폴센트 가격증가 아이콘 8%. 네이버 블로그 다르다픽 17개의 글 목록열기.

twitter flaru 편순이의먹부림 127개의 글 목록열기 activity. Com › _azllg카카오톡채널 다르다팝콘 kakao corp. 세대별 간식 추천, 소소한 선물로 좋은 다르다 팝콘. 김윤태 흰둥이 디시 ilc1a8br51r71 김윤태 엄사기 도와주다가. 8점, 리뷰 2276개를 가진 다르다 오리지널 버터 팝콘, 200g, 2개.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.