Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

수비하는 거보면 좀 잘하긴 하더라 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 일반 kbo와 mlb가 가장 많이 차이나는 부분 재업. 일본리그에 비하면 수준떨어지는데 해야구팬들이 kbo 까는경우 왜없음. 대한민국에서는 이들 기업들의 규모가 kbo 리그에 참여하는 기업들에 비해 월등히 작다는 인식이 많지만 실상은 다르다.

Erome Caught

제13회 아시아 청소년 야구 선수권 대회의 일정이.. Kbo에는 엘리트 재능이 그렇게 많지 않은데, 평균적인 재능 풀은 npb처럼 a급 정도야.. 괴롭힘을 넘어 범죄수준배우 신세경, 가족 협박 까지한 악플러 체포했다 1 20 ㅇㅇ223.. 2025 stats and schedules updated daily..

F1 25 디시

1990년 시즌부터 2군 리그라는 이름으로 시작했다. 지금 진행되고있는 일본시리즈하고 비교해봐도 수준차가 많이 난다, 당장 mvp는 힘들어보이고 ops 9할 이상은 할 듯요, 그러니까 2020년대에 코시 못간 한팀을 해체해야함 9구단 체제로 리그 수준도 올리고 매일 1팀 로테이션으로 휴식하면서 투수갈. 한국야구계속 보다 소뱅 하이라이트보면 낮은존과 바깥쪽 후하게. 201020년대에 이르러서는 리그 간 활발한 선수이동과 국제대회에 메이저리거들의 적극적인 참가 등으로.

Erome Youngseo

Dongeuran 4k

메이저리그에서도 반대로 도입못한 abs를 크보 총재권한으로 현장반대 불구하고 밀어부쳐서 도입성공4. Kbo식 연봉 조정에 관한 아이디어 건의. 싱글벙글 kbo 카메라워크 노트정리 2021, 페디 1라 18번 초특급 망주였는데 글고 직전시즌은 땜빵이 아니라 풀타임 선발이었다.

Kbo에는 엘리트 재능이 그렇게 많지 않은데, 평균적인 재능 풀은 npb처럼 a급 정도야. 특히 오클랜드에서 한때 1선발 노릇을 해준 콜 어빈의 두산행은 많은 야구팬들을 놀라게 했을 정도. Ootp 22 한국어 한국 팬들을 위해 bookmarks tags historical, kbo, quickstart previous thread next thread. Kbo오면 저는 진짜 미쳐날뛸 것 같음. 두 경기 째mlb도 지구에서 야구 제일 잘하는 새끼들끼리 붙여놓으니까 상대적으로 표가 안나네mlb 야구 그렇게 잘하나. 관객 역대 최고페이스 1천만명 페이스2.

미친수준의 그래픽 진짜 최근나온 서브컬쳐 게임중에서도 압도적인거같음 옷 재질이나 비올때 스타킹 젖는거 물 흐르는거 맵 생긴거 다 미친거같음. Mvp 컨텐더급 가능하다고 생각하고 리그 최정상 테이블세터로 김도영과 mvp 레이스 예상. Com › board › viewk리그vskbo 실시간 베스트 갤러리 디시인사이드. 1 여전히 2군이라 부르기도 하며 그와 구분하여 kbo 리그를 1군이라 부르기도 한다, 지금은 프로선수되면 안되는애들이 자그마치 2개구단합쳐 80명이나 프로선수다 일본은 고교야구에서 프로선수되는게 1퍼미만인데 우리나라는 20퍼이상 read more, current 2025 kbo league standings, today’s starting pitchers, and yesterday’s results.

Dhvmvkzh

올해도 kbo에 이름값 있는 투수들이 여러 명 입단했다, 수준 높은 경기가 있어서 팬이 몰리는게 아니기 때문에 그것이 본질이 아닙니다, 그러니까 2020년대에 코시 못간 한팀을 해체해야함 9구단 체제로 리그 수준도 올리고 매일 1팀 로테이션으로 휴식하면서 투수갈. 2024년 9월 11일 에 시행된 kbo 신인 드래프트, 네이버 블로그 스포츠 159개의 글 목록열기, 한국야구계속 보다 소뱅 하이라이트보면 낮은존과 바깥쪽 후하게 잡아주니 타자들이 굉장히 어려워 보였어요.

erome hajiwon 대체로 이러한 논쟁은 박찬호 가 로스앤젤레스 다저스 에서 본격적으로 활약하기 시작한 1990년대 후반부터 논의되기 시작했다. 리그의 진정한 발전은 해외 진출 선수들의 성공이 아니라, kbo 자체의 경쟁력 강화를 통해 이루어집니다. 대체로 이러한 논쟁은 박찬호 가 로스앤젤레스 다저스 에서 본격적으로 활약하기 시작한 1990년대 후반부터 논의되기 시작했다. 일반 kbo와 mlb가 가장 많이 차이나는 부분 재업. Com › best › 8351975830짧칼럼 kbo 외국인 투수들의 수준, 진짜 상승한걸까. dva hentai

erome 윈터 근데 외국인들보면kbo수준 진짜 존나떨어지지않냐. 두 경기 째mlb도 지구에서 야구 제일 잘하는 새끼들끼리 붙여놓으니까 상대적으로 표가 안나네mlb 야구 그렇게 잘하나. 미친수준의 그래픽 진짜 최근나온 서브컬쳐 게임중에서도 압도적인거같음 옷 재질이나 비올때 스타킹 젖는거 물 흐르는거 맵 생긴거 다 미친거같음. Com › board › viewk리그vskbo 실시간 베스트 갤러리 디시인사이드. 1 여전히 2군이라 부르기도 하며 그와 구분하여 kbo 리그를 1군이라 부르기도 한다. dldss-451

dramus korean 201020년대에 이르러서는 리그 간 활발한 선수이동과 국제대회에 메이저리거들의 적극적인 참가 등으로. 일반 kbo와 mlb가 가장 많이 차이나는 부분 재업. 미친수준의 그래픽 진짜 최근나온 서브컬쳐 게임중에서도 압도적인거같음 옷 재질이나 비올때 스타킹 젖는거 물 흐르는거 맵 생긴거 다 미친거같음. 다시 돌아온 kbo 에서는 입국한지 단 몇일만에 나선 첫 복귀전에서 키움 상대로 현재까지 5이닝 4피안타 무실점 호투 중이네요. 특히 kbo 리그 베팅은 뜨거운 열기를 자랑합니다. di한게임 디시

erome.com 스트리머 그리고 앞으로도 외국인 투수들의 수준이 계속 오를까. 대한민국에서는 이들 기업들의 규모가 kbo 리그에 참여하는 기업들에 비해 월등히 작다는 인식이 많지만 실상은 다르다. 다시 돌아온 kbo 에서는 입국한지 단 몇일만에 나선 첫 복귀전에서 키움 상대로 현재까지 5이닝 4피안타 무실점 호투 중이네요. 확률상 불펜이 아닌 선발 구하는 구단들이 늘어남. 싱글벙글 kbo 카메라워크 노트정리 2021.

erome korean streamer Com › best › 8351975830짧칼럼 kbo 외국인 투수들의 수준, 진짜 상승한걸까. ㄹㅇ 좋크보랑 수준이 달르노 크보 안하는동안 일야좀 봤더니 차언이 다르네 ㄹㅇ 눈호강 재대로하네 리얼루 저희나라는 일본리그좀 보고 배워야함. 트리플a vs kbo 어디가 더 수준 높음. 관객 역대 최고페이스 1천만명 페이스2. 김혜성피셜 kbo 올타임 포지션별 가장 좋아하는 선수 ㅇㅇ112.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.