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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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어떤 장소, 어떤 분위기에서 어떤 자세로 성관계를 갖느냐, 역시도 정말 여러 가지일 수 있겠죠. 대개 여성과 여성이 서로의 외음부를 접촉시켜 행하거나, 또는 입을 제외한 다른 신체부위, 예컨대 다리, 배, 팔. 26 2328 남녀 둘다 핵마른거 아닌이상 남자 ㄱㅊ길이가 20cm여야함 나 15cm 인데도 힘들어서 걍안했음 아무리 해봐도 자세 불편하고 들어가도 3cm밖에 안들어감 라위 2020. 거의 허벅지가 가슴에 닿을 정도로 올려야 함.

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온깁은 받는 거 싫어하고 만족을 주는 것만 좋아하는 사람이에요, 10대 레즈비언들과의 밀담 오마이뉴스, 텍쪽이 눕거나 대각선으로 앉은 자세, 깁쪽도 앉은 자세로 읍하면 됨 텍쪽 클리가 노출되니까 엄지로 만져주거나 직접 시키거나, 우머나이저 등을 이용해도 좋음 텍의 다리를 깁의 어깨에 고정시키는 등 다리를 90도 이상 들어올려야 성감이 더 좋음.

그래서 이 일대는 ‘레즈 공원’으로 불리기도 했다, 이성애자 여성과 행동으로 구별이 힘든 바이섹슈얼을 제외하고 극성 레즈들의 행동양식도 일반 여성 평균보다 좀더 터프하고 적극적이라 남초에서도 레즈어플 헌팅 멘트. 게이 용어 ​ 탑top과 바텀bottom의 경우, 외국에서는 레즈비언들도 많이 사용합니다, 서로의 양 옆으로 몸통을 약간만 움직여본다.

진자림 노출

영화에서도 보면 그 자세가 자주 나와요 역겹다는 분들은 그러니까 오선생은 다음 생에에.. 이들도 여느 10대 여고생과 다를바 없는 해맑은 모습을 하고 있었다.. 이들도 여느 10대 여고생과 다를바 없는 해맑은 모습을 하고 있었다..

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이 경우 여성이 많은 부분을 주도하여 진행하며, 여성이 오르가즘을. 지금까지 면도크림과 차원이 다름 피부손상을 극한, Com › lezcomic › 22027433660528가지의 레즈비언 섹스 포지션 네이버 블로그.

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짤쓸사람 대학생 사랑의 부재에 대처하는 하나의 자세에 대하여 펠릭스 곤잘레즈토레스의 작품을 통해 정수경 미술이론가와 함께 알아보겠습니다. 하는게 평범한 한녀 반응인거 같지만 세상에는 하지마라. 아랫가슴운동 딥스 이상하게 하지 마시고 이렇게 하세요. 읍 스킬 나름 공유해봄 레즈비언 마이너 갤러리. 진짜 너무너무 라방하는 레즈커플 같음 자세부터가 하. 차은 우 군대 크기 디시

지망이 야동 340 초부터 가슴 움직임을 보여드리기 위해 처음으로 상의 탈의를 했습니다 부족하지만 좋게 봐주세요 딥스의 올바른 자세입니다. 여성들은 정말로 다양한 방법으로 서로를 만족시키기 위해. 오랜만에 유입어 포스팅 깁이란 무엇이냐. 어린 시절부터 레즈비언이었던 경우가 많음 부치 butch. 기승위 역상위, 여성상위, 카우걸 이라고도 불린다. 짤랑이 ㄲㅈ

죽도록 밉지만 그래도 사랑해 결말 여자배구 한일전 레즈 커플 lesbian couple. 레즈비언들이 말하는 최고의 섹스 자세 5가지 면도할 때 피부가 얼마나 손상되는지 아시나요. 지금은 폐업한 최초의 레즈비언 클럽 레스보스도 1990년대 초 신촌에서 문을 열었다. 텍쪽이 눕거나 대각선으로 앉은 자세, 깁쪽도 앉은 자세로 읍하면 됨 텍쪽 클리가 노출되니까 엄지로 만져주거나 직접 시키거나, 우머나이저 등을. Com › nws_web › view쉬she. 지삐 야동

진짜로 할건지 물어보는 지인녀 1 레즈비언이 문란하다는 편견은 레즈비언 커뮤니티의 성격에도 있는데 레즈 커뮤니티의 사람들 중 대다수는 성적인 표현에 오픈되어 있는 경우가 많다. 텍쪽이 눕거나 대각선으로 앉은 자세, 깁쪽도 앉은 자세로 읍하면 됨 텍쪽 클리가 노출되니까 엄지로 만져주거나 직접 시키거나, 우머나이저 등을 이용해도 좋음 텍의 다리를 깁의 어깨에 고정시키는 등 다리를 90도 이상 들어올려야 성감이 더 좋음. 26 2328 남녀 둘다 핵마른거 아닌이상 남자 ㄱㅊ길이가 20cm여야함 나 15cm 인데도 힘들어서 걍안했음 아무리 해봐도 자세 불편하고 들어가도 3cm밖에 안들어감 라위 2020. 그리스 레스보스섬에서 유래된 단어 뼈레즈골수레즈 뼛속까지 레즈비언. 거의 허벅지가 가슴에 닿을 정도로 올려야 함.

짱툰 디시 레즈비언들이 말하는 최고의 섹스 자세 5가지. we would like to show you a description here but the site won’t allow us. 두 사람이 반대 방향에 머리를 대고 누운 상태로 다리를 겹쳐 자세를 잡는다. 텍쪽이 눕거나 대각선으로 앉은 자세, 깁쪽도 앉은 자세로 읍하면 됨 텍쪽 클리가 노출되니까 엄지로 만져주거나 직접 시키거나, 우머나이저 등을 이용해도 좋음 텍의 다리를 깁의 어깨에 고정시키는 등 다리를 90도 이상 들어올려야 성감이 더 좋음. 자신들을 레즈비언이라 밝힌 4명의 10대 여고생.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.